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1872 -*LTAT 72 






K. C.S.I., M.A., LL.D., 

LONDON: 1896. 





BOYHOOD : ;8oc 1816 i 

OLD HAILKVBURY : l8l6 1817 13 


FIRST APPOINTMLNT : KUMAUN, 1819 l82O . . -33 

EARLY YKARb IN NEPAL AND A CHECK : 1820 1824 . 57 




IN 1839 126 





THE DARJ1LING RECLUSE I 1845 1858 .... 237 











FIRST DESCRIBED BY HIM ....... 368-378 






(NIECE 01 SIR THOMAS LAWRENCE) . . .To face p. 23 







AT DARJILING . . . . . . . ,, 245 


A:TAT. 71. TAKEN IN 1871 328 


BY MDE. STARR CANZIANI. TAKEN IN 1872. . Frontispiece 


91. TAKEN BY MRS. BRIAN HODGSON IN 189! . To fdCC p. 333 

The illustrations have teen prepared and the photographs taken by Mrs. 
Brian Hodgson, from the originals now in her hou&e at Abinger, Suirey. 




1800 1894. 

BOYHOOD: l8oo 1816. 

BRIAN HODGSON died in 1894, in his ninety-fifth 
year. Had he died seventy years previously, he 
would have been mourned as the most brilliant young 
scholar whom the Indian Civil Service has produced. 
Had he died in middle life, he would have been remem- 
bered as the masterly diplomatist who held quiet the 
kingdom of Nepal and the warlike Himalayan races 
throughout the disasters of the Afghan war. Had he died 
at three-score years of age, he would have been honoured 
as the munificent Englishman who enriched the museums 
of Europe with his collections, enlarged the old boundaries 
of more than one science, and opened up a new field of 
original research. 

He outlived his contemporaries. In 1883 the learned 
Italian, Count Angelo di Gubernatis, when introduced to 
him, exclaimed: "Surely not the veritable Hodgson, the 
founder of our Buddhist studies ! He, alas, is dead these 
many years." In 1889, when Oxford conferred on him her 
degree of D.C.L., the Sheldonian rang with welcome to the 
beautiful white-haired scholar who seemed to have stepped 



forth from a bygone world. Many of his honours came 
to him when young; some arrived too late. There is a 
story of how a thrifty monarch sent his too tardy largesse 
to the bard Ferdousi. But as the mules laden with bags 
of gold entered the eastern archway of the poet's city, the 
poet's bier was borne out by the western gate. 

The chief services which Hodgson rendered to his 
country are the least known. The distinctions conferred 
on him by learned societies in many lands made him 
conspicuous among Orientalists during the first half of this 
century. But it was as British Resident at an Indian 
Court that Hodgson earned his highest claims upon 
the nation. He was a civilian diplomatist on whom, 
during a dark hour of our rule, fell the task of upholding 
the British supremacy in a hostile military State, unsup- 
ported by force of arms, and with only his personal in- 
fluence to sustain his counsels. The work done for our 
Indian Empire by such men, as distinguished from Soldier 
Politicals, is yet unrecorded. I purpose to tell the story 
of one of them from the official documents written on the 
spot, and now for the first time laid open to the public 

The story may be wanting in the dramatic effects of 
the Soldier Political's career, with a treaty in one hand 
and a sword in the other. But it will disclose certain 
aspects of the British suzerainty of India not hitherto 
realised. We shall learn how a young civilian was 
trained in building up newly annexed districts, left waste 
by the misrule of a usurping Himalayan Power, into a 
peaceful and prosperous British province. We shall then 
see him at his first lessons in dealing with the usurping 
Himalayan Power itself. We shall next find him holding 
back that Power from our frontier, with a nation of warriors 
exultant at the destruction of our Afghan army and 
fiercely straining in his leash. We shall watch him thread 
his perilous way through the intrigues of rival queens, 
royal kinsmen, and mayors of the palace, guarded solely by 

I.] BOYHOOD: 18001816. 3 

his own immovable calm amid their tragedies of massacre 
poisoning, torture, suicide, and exile to the snows. After 
twenty years of thankless labour we view him emerge from 
the homicidal scene, followed by the tears of the prince 
and the acclamations of the people. 

From first to last we find his conduct regulated by two 
motives the desire to preserve the integrity of the kingdom 
to which he was accredited, and the determination to 
render its integrity a source of strength instead of danger 
to the British Government. We also discern how many 
annoyances the East India Company would bear rather 
than destroj' the independence of a Native State by 

I have referred at some le: .gth to the public aspects of 
Brian Hodgson's career. For no man recognised more 
keenly than he that an Indian civilian must be judged, 
first of all, by his public work. Nor would any one have 
more despised a scholarly reputation gained by the neglect 
of official duties. But his many-sided activities made 
themselves equally felt in his public and in his private life. 
Condemned by ill-health to isolation in the Himalayas 
throughout his whole Indian career, far away from books, 
and shut off from the inspiring sympathy of brother 
students, he used his solitude as a vantage-ground for 
original research. The situation which would have been 
another man's despair, he turned into an unique opportunity. 
He proved to all who may come after him that neither 
loneliness nor ill-health, nor personal peril, nor harassing 
public cares, need preclude a true worker in India from 
rendering great services to scholarship and winning an 
enduring fame. 

Brian Houghton Hodgson was born at Lower Beech, in 
the parish of Prestbury, Cheshire, on February ist, 1800. 
He came of a long-lived stock, and was the fourth in 
succession of four Brian Hodgsons whose lives extended 


from 1709 to 1894. The average age of his three imme- 
diate progenitors and their wives amounted to eighty-five 
years each, and he himself died at the ripe age of ninety- 
four. 1 He used to say modestly that his ancestors were 
remarkable for nothing unless it was for their longevity 
and love of field sports. The earliest surviving of the 
family pictures, a full-length portrait of a forefather five 
generations back by Vandermyn in 1728, now in the 
possession of Sir Arthur Hodgson of Clopton, represents 
a striking-looking man holding a gamecock. His 
descendant, the subject of this book, was an enthusiastic 
student of all wild creatures, and in spite of bad accidents 
he hunted with two packs of hounds till nearly seventy 
years of age. 

The grandfather, Brian No. 2 in the subjoined list, figures 
as a man of considerable property in Derbyshire. For 
some time he lived at Wootten Lodge, Staffordshire, "a 
fine old castellated mansion," according to the District 
History, "said to have been designed by Inigo Jones." 2 
Wootten Lodge was famous in the seventeenth century for 
its Royalist defence against the Parliamentary troops, and 
down to the middle of the eighteenth for its well-stocked 
deer-park of one thousand acres. But it is now best 
remembered as the favourite retreat of Jean Jacques 
Rousseau during his sojourn in England. David Hume 
had procured for the philosopher the neighbouring house 
of Wootten Hall at a nominal rent, "an agreeable and 

1 Brian Hodgson (ist), great-grandfather, died 1784 aged 75. 
Elizabeth his wife .... 1806 90. 
Brian Hodgson (2nd), grandfather . 1827 85. 

Ellen his wife .... 1830 91. 

Brian Hodgson (3rd), father . . 1858 92. 

Catherine his wife .... 1851 75. 

BRIAN HOUGHTON HODGSON, born 1800, it 94. 

Average of the 6 previous lives and his own (7) 86 years. 

Total 602 

1 The History and Topography of Ashbourn and the Valley of the 
Dove (Dawson & Hobson, Ashbourn, 1839), p. 253. 

I.] BOYHOOD: 18001816. 5 

sequestered asylum," says Jean Jacques, " where I hope to 
breathe freely and at peace/' The quaint and romantic 
gardens of Wootten Lodge v/ere Rousseau's daily resort, 
and a seat was long pointed out under the shelter of the 
rockery at the back of the house, on which he loved to 
meditate and write. 

Grandfather Brian, 1 who dwelt in this pleasant abode 
from 1781 to 1788, seems to have been a typical country 
gentleman of his time, kept a well-known pack of grey- 
hounds, commanded the yeomanry cavalry for many years, 
and received a handsome presentation of plate on retiring 
from the regiment. His sister Margaret married in 1765 
Dr. Beilby Porteus, successively Bishop of Chester and of 
London. Another member o f the family, Robert Hodgson, 
became Dean of Carlisle and Rector of St. George's, 
Hanover Square. They were all on terms of close 
intimacy, and the Dean eventually wrote the Life of the 
Bishop. Both the Dean and Bishop lived into the present 
century, and the young Brian (our Brian) spent many 
happy days of his boyhood at the Bishop's palace at 
Fulham, and at the Dean's house in London. 

His father, Brian No. 3 in the list, born 1766, was 
brought up to no profession. At the age of thirty, having 
married a a beautiful girl of twenty, Catherine, daughter of 
William Houghton, Esq., of Manchester and Newton Park 
in the county of Lancashire, he settled down to a country 
life in Cheshire. Children soon began to fill his home at 
Lower Beech. BRIAN HOUGHTON, the second child and 
eldest son, was born four years after the marriage, in 
1800. Among his earliest recollections were his father's 
return from hunting in a scarlet coat, and his grandfather 
after a cock-fight with his hands covered with blood and 
feathers. It was a house full of dogs, and two favourite 
hounds Ringwood and Watchman, born and bred on the 

1 Brian Hodgson of Swinscoe near Ashbourn, described in the District 
Histoiy as Brian Hodgson, Esquire, of Ashbourn " (Idem., p. 371). 
8 In the Collegiate Church in Manchester on May i6th, 1796. 


place, were long-remembered playfellows of Brian's child- 

In an unlucky hour the easy-going country gentleman 
looked round on the young group growing up about 
him, and thought he must bestir himself to better their 
fortunes. He entered into partnership with a cousin 
Hawkins in a bank at the neighbouring town of Maccles- 
field. After some years of affluence the bank failed, owing, 
it was said, to a too spirited support of Irish mining enter- 
prises. The ruined father faced his shipwreck like a man, 
broke up the house at Lower Beech, and moved first to 
Macclesfield and then to Congleton. Young Brian 
suddenly found the home of his childhood disappear, 
leaving behind it only a dim impression of some great 
calamity which overshadowed his boyhood. 

The father, although he met his reverses with courage, 
had not the qualities which enable a broken gentleman to 
make a fresh start in middle life. Children still increased 
in the wandering household, until the tale of seven three 
sons and four daughters was complete. 1 Fortunately the 
family had connections able and willing to hold out a 
helping hand. But even if the wind be tempered to the 
shorn Iamb, it bites shrewdly. It was the mother's force 
of character that carried her husband through those dark 
years. Mrs. Hodgson, a county toast and one of the 
" Lancashire witches " in her youth, retained traces of a 
refined loveliness to her old age. In her home her influence 
reigned supreme, an influence curiously compounded of 
the old strict enforcement of parental authority and 
of the children's admiration for a beautiful young mother 
who exercised a fascination over distinguished men. Her 
immediate neighbours in the new abode at Congleton, 
Mr. Maxey Pattison and his brother James, became her 
devoted friends, and used their patronage to launch her 

1 (i) Catherine, born 1798; (2) Brian Houghton, 1800; (3) Ellen, 
1802 ; (4) William Edward John, 1805 ; (5) Ann Mary, 1808 (died 
young); (6) Frances Martha, 1810; (7) Edward Legh, 1813. 

I.] BOYHOOD: 18001816. 7 

sons in honourable careers. She carried on a lifelong 
correspondence with several of the minor celebrities of her 
day, two of whom Professor William Smyth of Cam- 
bridge, the historian, 1 and the polished and scholarly Earl 
of Clarendon 2 were destined to exercise an influence on 
young Brian and his fortunes. 

Professor Smyth had known reverses, not altogether 
dissimilar to her own. The son of a wealthy banker whom 
the war between France and England in 1793 stripped of 
his fortune, William Smyth unexpectedly found himself 
compelled to earn a livelihood without a profession at the 
age of twenty-seven. He accepted the post of tutor to 
the eldest son of Richard Brinsley Sheridan, accompanied 
the youth to Cambridge, and there himself studied with 
such success as to win a high place in the list of Wranglers. 
In 1806 he sprang into fame by his volume of British 
Lyrics, and in 1809 was appointed Professor of Modern 
History at Cambridge, a chair which he ably filled for 
forty years. His portrait, drawn and published by Josiah 
Slater, shows a gentle intellectual face, not devoid of 
esprit. With this middle-aged poet and leisurely man of 
letters, Mrs. Hodgson, then in the prime of her young 
matronly beauty, formed an enduring and graceful friend- 
ship. His letters proved his admiration for her bright 
intelligence, and one of his cleverest writings was a little 
pamphlet entitled an Occasional Lecture, "prompted by 
the desire of a lady to hear his academical discourses," 
half a century before the girl graduate dawned upon our 
Universities. It is an eulogium on woman, full of humour 
and varied learning, dated 1814, and printed privately in 

Brian, the first boy, was the mother's favourite child. 
He used to say that, although hers was a discipline of love, 
it was a discipline. She imbued her sons with a high idea 
of womanhood, and as they grew up instilled into them 
1 Bora 1766 ; 8th Wrangler, 1797 ; died 1849. 
1 Thomas, 2nd Earl : bora 1753 ; died num. 1824. 


a chivalrous reverence for all women as women. Brian's 
high and courteous bearing, which was so striking a charm 
of his personality through life, he acquired from his mother. 
In the height of his reputation as a diplomatist and scholar 
he shared with her his inmost thoughts, writing to her 
always with a deferential tenderness very graceful in a 
grown-up and famous son. His letters to his sister Fanny, 
penned from his solitude in the Himalayas, will supply 
some interesting pages to this book. Brian was a tall and 
manly boy, and the mother looked absurdly young by his 
side. She used to say that the finest compliment ever paid 
her was by a mill-girl near Macclesfield, who remarked as 
the mother and son passed, " What'n a pretty lass yonder 
lad has gott'n ! " 

While the family were moving from place to place in 
quest of a fresh start in life, all England was arming to 
defend her shores from a French invasion. Mr. Hodgson 
during the days of his wealth had borne his part as a loyal 
country gentleman, and in 1814 the Earl of Clarendon 
obtained for him the post of guardian of the Martello 
Towers, then fortified against the expected landing. The 
wandering household settled down at Clacton near 
Colchester, in Essex, 1 and the father's sterling merits, 
together with the more shining qualities* of his wife, soon 
won friends around their new home. 

During their period of eclipse Brian had been sent to 
Dr. Davis* school at Macclesfield, which at that time had 
a considerable repute. Brian, a big boy for his age, did his 
best to uphold its reputation in town-fights with the lads 
of the borough school. Among his favourite comrades in 
mischief were Jodrell of Henbury, and John Nicholson of 
Balrath, one of the first Irish squires who, in spite of his 
kindly and generous character, suffered boycotting in the 
old days. Nicholson wrote a pretty Horatian ode to his 
" Dulcis Amicus" Hodgson on their parting in April 1814- 

1 The family afterwards removed to Canterbury, and lived, there for 
many years. 

I.] BOYHOOD: 18001816. 9 

Brian took the lead in games, and made his mark 
especially in cricket which he afterwards taught to his 
escort at the Court of Nepal. He also owed to Dr. Davis 
the careful grounding and thoroughness in work by which 
he was presently to win distinction in more advanced schools, 
and which he carried into every pursuit of his mature life. 
About the age of fourteen he was sent to Dr. Delafosse's 
seminary at Richmond, Surrey, and there completed his 
short school education at sixteen. 

Those two years were among the happiest of his life. 
His holidays were spent at his relative's the Dean of 
Carlisle in London, or in shooting and hunting in Essex. 
He always seems to have been able to obtain a mount, 
either from his father's modest stable or from some country 
neighbour's better-filled stalls, and he established a reputa- 
tion as a bold and fearless rider. On one of his visits to 
his boy friends the Nassaus at St. Ozeth's Priory near 
Colchester, a hunter was brought round but declared un- 
manageable. The groom, however, said that he thought 
young Mr. Hodgson could ride the horse, and he would 
warrant it leading the field. And so Brian did, won the 
brush, and came home with his cheeks painted red to his 
anxious and delighted father, who met him on the door- 
steps with open arms. He and his sister Ellen used to 
scour the country on their ponies, and became favourites 
with the jolly farmers and yeomen of Essex, then in the 
height of their prosperity with wheat at war-prices. 

His great-uncle, the Bishop of London, had expressed a 
desire that his nephew's eldest son should be destined to 
the Church. But the aged prelate died l when Brian was 
in his tenth year, and although his other relative the Dean 
of Carlisle's influence also pointed to the same profession, 
the spirited lad found that it was one for which he had no 
calling. When Brian reached sixteen the question was 
disposed of by a generous offer from Mr. James Pattison, 

1 On May isth, 1809. Life of the Rt. Rev.Bettoy Porteus, D.D., Bishop 
of London ,by Dr. Robert Hodgson, Dean of Carlisle, p. 255. Ed. 1821. 


the family friend and neighbour at Congleton. In 1816 
Mr. Pattison was a Director of the East India Company, 
of which he became Chairman two years later. He secured 
a nomination for his old friend's son to the Company's 
Civil Service, and Brian, having passed a successful exami- 
nation, was allowed to enter Haileybury College nearly a 
twelvemonth before attaining the regulation age of seventeen. 
This change in 1816 marks the end of Brian Hodgson's 
schooldays. It may be well to pause before entering on 
the new career which then opened to him, and dwell for 
a moment on the other members of the home circle from 
which he was soon to be separated. The mother's influence 
seems to have given a charm to the daughters, and her 
character a force to the sons, which led to a successful 
establishment in life for all her children. The eldest 
daughter, Catherine, born 1798, married Mr. Laurence 
George Brown and settled prosperously in Canada. The 
second daughter, Ellen, born 1802, married Huibert Gerard 
Baron Nahuys van Burgst, a Major-General in the Dutch 
Army. She accompanied her husband to Java, where he 
held high offices as Resident at the Court of Surakarta 
and Member of the Council of Netherlands India. 1 Baron 
Nahuys' sister was the wife of Count Schimmelpenninck, 
the Grand Pensionary of Holland. We have had a glimpse 
of this Ellen (Baroness Nahuys) as Brian's companion on 
his wild cross-country rides in Essex. She grew into a 
woman of remarkable beauty, and was long known at the 
Court of Holland as La Belle Anglaise. She lived to the 
age of eighty, leaving a son and three daughters who 
married into families in the Netherlands. 8 In her widowed 
old age Brian made his house her home, and watched over 
her with fraternal piety during her last illness (1878). 

1 His remarkable and brilliant services form the subject of an inte- 
resting Dutch family history : Reminiscences of the Public and Private 
Life (17991849) ofH. G. Baron Nahuys van Burgst (Arnhem, 1858). 

* The son left three daughters, Helen, Huberta, and Fanny, who are 
now the representatives of this branch of the Houghton Hodgsons. 

I.] BOYHOOD: 18001816. II 

The third daughter, Ann, born 1808, died in girlhood. 
The fourth, Frances, born 1810, was the Dearest Fanny " 
with whom Brian kept up an affectionate correspondence 
throughout their whole lives. His affection was warmly 
reciprocated "Though but a child of eight when he 
went to India, in 1818," writes one of the family, "and 
although they did not meet again till 1844, yet she was 
brought up by her mother (who herself idolised her eldest 
son) to think there was no one like Brian. Her admira- 
tion for her brother and her devotion to him were absolute. 
She always spoke of him as ' the most perfect of human 
beings ! ' " We shall see with what pathetic playfulness 
Brian tried by his letters during his long absence in India 
to warm that admiration for an almost unknown ideal into 
a human affection for an exile pining for sisterly love. She 
married Pierre Baron Nahuys, the son of General Huibert 
Nahuys by a previous wife, and therefore a step-son of her 
sister Ellen. The Baron Pierre had a distinguished career, 
and became Governor of Overyssel, one of the Seven 
Provinces of Holland. 

Of the three sons, Brian the eldest forms the subject of 
this book. The second son, William, born 1805, entered 
the Bengal Artillery, and died as a young Major of great 
promise. Brian was devotedly attached to him, and we 
shall find the two brothers together at the Residency at 
Nepal. The third brother and youngest child, Edward 
Legh Hodgson, born 1813, obtained an appointment to 
the East India Company's Civil Service, through the 
influence of the same family friend, Mr. James Pattison, 
who had given Brian his nomination sixteen years pre- 
viously. Edward was at Haileybury from 1829 to 1831, 
and carried off seven prizes during his three terms. 1 He 
served in India as Assistant Commissioner of Meerut from 
1832 to 1835, and died there on July 3rd of the latter year. 

Memorials of Old Haileybury College, by F. C. Danvers, Sir M. 
Monier-Williams, Sir Steuart Bayley, Percy Wigram, and other con- 
tributors (Constable & Co., 1894), p. 397. 


I have presented the several sisters and brothers at the 
outset, as the following pages will deal almost exclusively 
with the work of Brian himself, cut off from his kindred 
during the next quarter of a century by a third of the 
circumference of the globe. Yet in order to understand 
the man it is necessary to bear in mind the background 
of home life which was always present in his memory. 
During his long isolation in Nepal, that well-loved family 
group seemed to stand out for him with an ever-increasing 
distinctness. The recollections of the patient father who 
had borne the buffets of fortune, of the brilliant young 
mother with her circle of distinguished and admiring friends, 
of his sisters and brothers, half of whom were to die young 
while the other half were to be scattered over the old and 
new hemispheres these were the recollections which during 
twenty-five years supplied the human links between the 
solitary worker among the Himalayas and the outward 



OLD HAILEYBURY: 1816 1817. 

TJAILEYBURY COLLEGE, which Brian Hodgson 
1 1 entered in 1816, was not unworthy of the magnificent 
design of its founders. It formed the embodiment in stone 
and lime of the East India Company's resolve to govern 
well the empire which they had won. From 1600 down to 
the second half of the eighteenth century the Company's 
servants, alike in England and in India, had been sea- 
captains, merchants, and mercantile clerks. Their territorial 
conquests from 1757 onwards demanded an entirely 
different class of men. But the necessity of making the 
" annual investment " wherewith to pay an annual dividend 
for some time obscured the change which had taken place. 
A generation of officials passed away before the Court of 
Directors definitely realised that they had grown into the 
Sovereign Power in India, and that their main function was 
government rather than trade. 

It was not until the year 1800 that a regular institu- 
tion was formed for the training of the civil servants of 
the Company. This institution, known as the College of 
Fort William, was established by the far-seeing Marquis 
Wellesley in Calcutta. The Court of Directors, however, 
considered its scope too wide, sanctioned it only on a reduced 
scale, and determined to create a place of education of their 
own in England for their young civil servants. Their 
intention, expressed in 1802, received effect in 1805 by the 
purchase of the Haileybury estate in Hertfordshire for 
5,900. The building was completed in 1809 at an esti- 


mated cost of 50,000. During the intervening years from 
1806, the new institution carried on its work temporarily 
at Hertford Castle under the title of the East India College 
Herts. In 1813 Parliament enacted that it shall not be 
lawful for the Court of Directors to nominate, appoint, or 
send to the Presidencies of Fort William, Fort St. George, 
or Bombay, any person in the capacity of Writer, unless 
such person shall have been duly entered at Haileybury 
College, and have resided there four terms, and shall pro- 
duce a certificate of having during the period duly con- 
formed himself to the rules and regulations of the same. 1 

While the entrance into the Company's administrative 
service was thus restricted to young men specially trained 
at Haileybury, the doors of Haileybury were jealously 
guarded. The nominations to the covenanted Civil 
Service formed the most valuable patronage exercised by 
the Directors of the East India Company, and the chief 
share of it naturally fell to their relatives or intimate 
friends. But the long list of their nominees proves that, 
outside their immediate family circles, it was exercised in 
a noble spirit. Many a Director conscientiously used his 
patronage as a solatium to officers worn out in the 
Company's wars, and hard pressed to find an opening 
for their sons. The scars and buffets of his father's 
ill-requited service formed John Lawrence's chief recom- 
mendation for Haileybury, and gave to India the future 
saviour of the Punjab. From the hour that a lad 
entered the College it impressed on him the lesson of 
integrity which the earlier servants of the Company had 
found so hard to learn. No youth was admitted with- 
'out two certificates: one as to his personal character; 

1 Act 53 Geo. III. c. 155, quoted in Memorials of Old Haileybury 
College (Constable, 1894), p. 18. The minimum residence was after- 
wards reduced to three terms (a year and a half), or in times of 
urgency even to two terms. During a considerable period, students 
above the age of eighteen who obtained certificates of High Distinction 
might proceed to India after only two terms. 


the other, a solemn declaration that the Director who had 
given his nomination made no pecuniary gain by the 
transaction . 

In 1816 the professional staff of the College consisted 
chiefly of Cambridge men. It was therefore with peculiar 
pleasure that Professor William Smyth of that University 
undertook to launch the eldest son of his fair correspondent 
in what was practically a coterie of his old college friends. 
He took Brian to Hailcybury, and settled him as a guest 
in the house of Malthus, the Professor of Political Economy, 
until he should pass his entrance examination. Malthus 
was elected a Fellow of Jesus in 1793, the year that 
William Smyth entered at Cambridge. The Rev. Joseph 
Hallet Batten, a Fellow of Trinity, Cambridge, and 
a high Wrangler as well as anr excellent classic, had 
been appointed Principal of Haileybury College in 
1815. The Dean was the Rev. Charles Webb Le Bas, 1 
fourth Wrangler in 1800, and also a Fellow of Trinity. 
The Rev. Henry Walter, a second Wrangler and one 
of the most genial of men, had just joined as Professor 
of Chemistry and Natural History, 2 and perhaps gave 
an impulse to Brian's taste for the study of beasts and 
birds which was to become one of his main pleasures 
throughout life. 

Malthus 3 received his friend's prottgt kindly, and for 
a season retained him as his guest. The foundation of 
an intimacy was thus laid which for the first time turned 
the young student into a thinker, and brought him into 

1 Appointed Professor of Mathematics in 1813 ; Dean 1814 ; Principal 
(in succession to Dr. Batten) 1838. 

* In 1816. 

3 Thomas Robert Malthus, born 1766; Fellow of Jesus College, 
Cambridge, 1793 (not 1797) ; issued his first Essay on the Principles of 
Population 1798, and the greatly altered edition 1803; Professor of 
History and Political Economy at the East India College, Herts, 1805 
1834; issued his Corn-Law Pamphlets 1814-15, his Inquiry into the 
Nature of Rent 1815, and his Principles of Political Economy 1820; 
died 1834. 


contact with eminent men. Malthus had then reached 
the height of his fame, and his house formed a resort of 
the intellectual Whigs of the day. Lord Jeffrey and the 
Edinburgh Reviewers, Sir James Mackintosh (who became 
Professor of Law at Haileybury two years later 1 ), and 
statesmen of higher if more temporary note were frequent 
visitors to the Haileybury philosopher. It happened that 
the period of Brian's residence there was one of great 
literary activity even in Malthus' busy life. For he was 
recasting the rent sections for the seventh edition of his 
Principles of Population (1817), and full of the ideas to 
be embodied in his crowning work on Political Economy 
published in 1820. 

But the unique position which Malthus held in the 
College did not altogether depend on his reputation with 
the outer world. One of the original professors appointed 
in 1805, he had acted as its literary champion, 2 and was 
at this very time preparing his final rejoinder to its 
opponents. He was not only the most famous member 
of the teaching staff, but he was also the public representa- 
tive of the system with which the professors and students 
were alike identified. His sweetness of temper that 
served as an armour against the bitterness of theological 
opponents "one of the serenest and most cheerful" of 
men, says Miss Martineau and his nobility of aim which 
never sought personal preferment, made him both the 
favourite and the hero of Haileybury College. His friend- 
ship was the best passport for a newcomer, and Brian 
found himself at once within the family circle of the 
professorial staff. 

In after-life Hodgson used to relate how he sat silent 
in a corner many an evening, listening to the talk of 
distinguished men whose names he had previously only 
known through the newspapers. On one occasion Lord 

1 From 1818 to 1824. 

* e.d. Letter to Lord Granwlle (in defence of the East India Col- 
lege), 1813; Statements respecting the East India College, 1817. 

ii.] OLD HAILEYBURY: 18161817. IJ 

Jeffrey 1 had been induced to read out an article which 
praised the language of Shakespeare as rich but never 
diffuse. The company, suspecting that Jeffrey was the 
author, agreed as to Shakespeare, yet with a malign 
pleasantry wished they could say as much for the some- 
what ornate style of the reviewer. Jeffrey quietly read 
out again a concluding passage of his article containing 
^Enobarbus* description of Cleopatra's galley : 

" The barge she sat in, like a burnished throne, 
Burnt on the water; the poop was beaten gold: 
Purple the sails, and so perfumed that 

The winds were love-sick with them. The oars were silver, 
Which to the tune of lutes kept stroke." 

" You sec/' said Jeftrey, " that though the sails were 
purple and the oars silver, they vafted her not less swiftly 
than if they had been made of homespun and deal. 
Gentlemen, / wrote the article." Upon which all the 
company laughed and clapped their hands. I repeat the 
story as Hodgson told it more than half a century after- 
wards. It formed one of his cherished bits of jetsam from 
the Disputationes Haileyburienses to which the kindness of 
Malthus gained him admission. 

The new impulse given to Hodgson's mental activity was 
of rather a discursive character. But from the outset he 
showed an aptitude for the native languages, and obtained 
a prize for Bengali at the end of his first term (May 1816). 
During his second year he brought home to his delighted 
mother the prize for classics (May 1817), and continued to 
win a prize for Bengali at each of his half-yearly examina- 
tions during his stay at the College. In December 1817 
he passed out of Haileybury as gold medallist and head 
of his term. 

Haileybury was not designed to supply a strictly pro- 
fessional training to the East India Company's civil servants. 
It carried further their previous school-studies in classics 

1 I give him the title by which he is most generally known, although 
Jeffrey was not promoted to the Scottish Bench until 1834. 



and mathematics. It also grounded them in the general 
principles of law and political economy, and in the history 
and languages of India. The higher instruction in these 
last-named branches it left to the College of Fort William in 
Bengal, or to corresponding studies in Madras and Bombay. 
But the residence at Haileybury did for the young Indian 
civilians what no system or device had ever done for 
them before. It bred up and knit together a service with 
a strong and honourable esprit de corps> a knowledge 
of each other's characters, and a mutual trust. Some 
of Hodgson's intimates at Haileybury became, as we shall 
see, rulers of great provinces. Many of them continued 
his friends through life. Whatever its later shortcomings, 
the essential service rendered by Haileybury to the nation 
was this that during half a century when India could 
only be held by a compact, self-reliant, and honest British 
bureaucracy, it produced the compactest, most self-reliant, 
and most honest bureaucracy which the world had ever 

One of Hodgson's fellow-students, Charles Fraser, was 
destined to render good service as the Governor-General's 
Agent, that is as political ruler, in the Sagar and Narbada 
Territories. Another, William Dampier, besides holding 
many high offices, practically created the police of Bengal. 
A third, Sir George Clerk, 1 became for a short time Lieu- 
tenant-Governor of the North- West Provinces, and twice 
Governor of Bombay. A fourth, Sir Frederick Currie, Bart, 
was Foreign Secretary to the Government of India during 
the great Sikh struggle under Lord Hardinge, Resident 
at Lahore under Lord Dalhousie, and one of the most 
influential Members of his Council. Both Clerk and Currie, 
after their retirement from India, rendered valuable service 
for many years on the Council of the Secretary of State, 
and both of them continued warm friends of Hodgson to 
the end of their long lives. Another of his best-loved 

1 G.C.S.I. and K.C.B. 

II.] OLD HAILEYBURY: 18161817. 19 

Haileybury companions, the Honourable Frederick Shore, 
closed a career of high promise, and of some achievement, 
by a too early death. Curiously enough, sons of the two 
civilian Governors-General of India, Lord Teignmouth and 
Sir George Barlow, entered Haileybury in the same year as 
Brian Hodgson, and the three went to Calcutta in 1818. 

Four other Bengal civilians who attained to high eminence 
overlapped Brian's residence at the College : John Lowis, 
one of Lord Dalhousie's Members of Council ; Ross Donelly 
Mangles, Secretary to the Bengal Government, and after 
his retirement a Member of the Court of Directors and of 
the Council of the Secretary of State ; Sir Henry Ricketts, 
K.C.S.L, a Member of Council under Lord Hardinge ; 
and Sir Robert Hamilton, K.C.B . the Governor-General's 
Agent in Central India during the Mutiny, who had the 
courage to override the orders of the Governor-General on 
the memorable occasion of March 1858. 

I have particularised the foregoing members of the service 
as all of them went, like Brian Hodgson, to Bengal, and 
continued his friends throughout his career. Other distin- 
guished officers, including Sir Daniel Elliott and Sir John 
Pollard Willoughby, who were with him at Haileybury 
went to Madras and Bombay. But with few exceptions 
these soon fell out of his knowledge. 

The life at Haileybury seems to have somewhat resembled 
that at the Universities during the same period, except that 
there was rather less dissipation and a more direct control. 
Hodgson frequently got a day's hunting, and he seems to 
have enjoyed a good deal of hospitality from the families in 
the neighbourhood. The Lady Salisbury of that time took 
notice of the lad one day when he was struggling on a hired 
horse 'to keep in the first flight with the hounds, and her 
balls at Hatfield were among the most brilliant recollections 
of his Haileybury days. But it was the distinguished 
statesmen who from time to time complimented the College 
by a visit that impressed themselves most deeply on his 
memory. On one occasion the family friend, Mr. James 


Pattison 1 who had given Brian his nomination, and who 
was also an intimate friend of George Canning, came 
down with the celebrated Minister to Haileybury and 
brought him into young Hodgson's room. Canning, then 
President of the Board of Control, was full of the thoughts 
of Indian imperial sway which made him accept the 
Governor-Generalship some years later. 2 

" He stood with his back to the fire," Hodgson used to 
relate, "and put his hand inside the breast of his coat, 
pouring forth words which fired my ambition. He drew a 
brilliant sketch of the career possible for an Indian civilian, 
showing how everything was open to a man of ability and 
industry up to the Governor-Generalship. Then telling me 
to read Orme and learn how India had been won, he took 
up the story himself, and in a quarter of an hour had given 
me a most masterly rfaumt of Indian history." Those 
fifteen minutes put ideas and aspirations into Brian's head 
which were destined to bear fruit in due season. The great 
Minister had touched the youth with the magic wand of his 
genius, and one touch sufficed. 

During his holidays Brian was much at the house 
of his kinsman Robert Hodgson, Dean of Carlisle. The 
Dean, being also Rector of St George's Hanover Square, 
resided most of the year in town, and having a clever wife, 
his house in Grosvenor Street was a popular one. Brian 
became a devoted admirer of the Dean's daughters, more 
especially of Henrietta who grew up into a woman of 
beauty and of social charms. He also spent many 
happy days in the quiet rectory of his uncle Edward 

1 Deputy Chairman of the Court of Directors in 1817, when Hodgson 
was at Haileybury ; Chairman in the following year, 1818, and again in 

* On the news of the intended retirement of the Marquess of Hastings 
reaching England early in 1822. But before Canning sailed Lord 
Castlereagh's tragic death made it necessary that Canning should fill 
his place at the Foreign Office, and with many regrets he resigned the 
Governor-Generalship in the autumn of the same year. Lord Amherst 
went out instead. 

II.] OLD HAILEYBURY: 18161817. 21 

Hodgson, 1 whose first wife, a highly accomplished musician, 
made Moore's Irish melodies an abiding memory for 
Brian: a memory that often came back to him in the 
loneliness of his Himalayan years. To his cousin the son 
of the Rector, and now Sir Arthur Hodgson of Clopton, 
I gratefully acknowledge my debt for interesting materials 
for this book. But Brian's own home, with its beautiful 
and talented mother, the generous patient father, and the 
spirited group of sisters and brothers now looking out like 
himself with expectant eyes upon the world, remained as 
ever the dominant chord in his life. 

1 Rector of Rickmansworth. 



CALCUTTA, 1818-1819. 

HAVING passed out of Haileybury as medallist and 
head of his term in December I8I7, 1 Brian Houghton 
Hodgson sailed in the following year round the Cape of 
Good Hope to Calcutta. 

1 His Haileybury certificate runs thus : 

"We, the Principal and Professors of the East India College, do 
hereby testify that Mr. Brian Houghton Hodgson having been nomi- 
nated a Student of the College by the Court of Directors of the 
Honourable East India Company, has resided therein Four Terms, and 
has duly conformed himself to the Statutes and Regulations of the 

"The said Brian Houghton Hodgson has also attended the Public 
Examinations of May 1816, in which he gained a prize in Bengalese, 
and passed with great credit in other departments ; December 1816, 
in which he gained a prize in Bengalese, and was highly distinguished 
in other departments; May 1817, in which he gained a prize in 
Classics, a prize in Political Economy, a prize in Bengalese, and was 
highly distinguished in other departments; December 1817, in which 
he gained the medal in Classics, a prize in Bengalese, and was highly 
distinguished in other departments. 

" The College Council, in consideration of his distinguished Industry, 
Proficiency, and Conduct, place him in the First Class of Merit \ and 
assign him the Rank of First on the List of Students now leaving 
College for the Presidency of Fort William. 

" Given under the College Seal, and signed in behalf of the College 
Council, this fifth day of December in the year of our Lord one 
thousand eight hundred and seventeen." 


J. H. BATTEN, Principal. 

EDWARD LEWTON, Registrar. 


CHAP. HI.] FIRST YEAR IN INDIA: 18181819. 23 

The Englishmen of those days started early in life. 
Hodgson was, after all, only a lad of seventeen, with 
enough of Latin and Greek to enable him to quote Horace 
or to make an iambic, a fair specimen of the sixth form 
boy at a public school in the present day. But he carried 
with him from Haileybury a habit of original observation 
which a sixth form boy rarely imbibes at our public schools. 
Its professorial system of imparting instruction by means 
of lectures, although compatible with a good deal of 
indolence and sham work, was highly stimulating to the 
keener class of youthful intellects. In the hands of 
Malthus political economy became a living science, dealing 
with the actual facts and needs of humanity, and quicken- 
ing young minds with ideas instead of cramming them 
with formulae. 

Malthus was, in fact, the dominant influence in Hodgson's 
intellectual horoscope. He found him a young aristocrat 
in social feelings and sympathies ; he left him an advanced 
liberal in politics. But for the inspiration of Malthus, 
the youthful civilian would scarcely have embarked on a 
comprehensive study of the institutions and constitutional 
problems of Nepal, or struck into the great conflict over 
popular education in India with a scheme of his own. 
How closely the lad had listened to Malthus' lectures, 
his prize in Political Economy at Haileybury attests. 
Hodgson to the end of his life used to sum up his political 
creed in a quotation, learned at Haileybury from Bacon's 
Essay of Innovations : " All this is true, if time stood 
still : which, contrariwise, moveth so round that a froward 
retention of custom is as turbulent a thing as an innovation ; 
and they that reverence too much old times are but a scorn 
to the new." 

The love of liberty and the generous respect for the 
liberties of others, with a belief in their capacity for ex- 
ercising those liberties aright, which Malthus impressed on 
Hodgson's awakening mind, resisted the effacing influences 
of time and of a bureaucratic career. Even when, as a man 


of eighty-six, Hodgson had to choose between the old 
liberalism now identified with the Unionist party in politics, 
and the new liberalism associated with Irish home-rule, he 
did not fear to take the plunge. Although living in a circle 
of Tory country-gentlemen, he followed Mr. Gladstone in 
all the later developments of that statesman's policy, and 
died with an unshaken belief in its results. This courageous 
belief in the future of humanity, and in the power of a 
people to work out its own salvation, gave a beautiful 
youthfulness to his old age. It furnishes the key to many 
of the activities of his life. If one had to differ from him 
as to its practical application, one could not withhold a 
feeling of reverence for the enthusiasm which years did not 
chill nor public disappointments daunt. 

Meanwhile Hodgson was a young civilian not yet eighteen. 
The scheme of a junior civilian's training in those days 
included at least a year at the College of Fort William in 
Calcutta, for the further study of the native languages and 
of Indian law. Brian accordingly found himself a member 
of a small and close fraternity of very young men, who had 
a good deal of leisure on their hands and who were deter- 
mined to enjoy it. The contemporary descriptions of their 
life are not always edifying. As a whole they seem to have 
been a body of spirited English lads let loose a little early 
in life, tasting sometimes too freely of the first pleasures of 
an independent income, and indulging in extravagances 
at which they afterwards smiled, but which crippled not 
a few for many a year. Calcutta society looked at their 
follies with a lenient eye, and made much of those who 
cared for its blandishments. For after all they were a well- 
spring of perpetual youth in a small official community 
which was apt to feel very weary ; almost all of them had 
friends or relatives among the seniors ; and each one of 
them had the possibilities of a brilliant career. 

It is difficult for an Anglo-Indian of the present day to 
realise how small and how official Calcutta then was. 
The new Charter in 1813 had broken down the Company's 

in.] FIRST YEAR IN INDIA: 1818-1819. 25 

monopoly of the East India trade, while maintaining it 
as regards China. But the influx of independent mer- 
chants and capitalists who were to raise Calcutta to one 
of the commercial capitals of the world had scarcely set 
in. The non-official Englishman, unless he belonged to 
one of the half-dozen great agency houses closely united 
by family ties with the Services, was regarded as an 
inferior person. Under the old system, if a merchant or 
planter did not come out under the protection of the 
Company, he was an " Interloper " in the eye of the law. 
He still remained an interloper in the eye of society. On 
his part, he regarded the governing body with the jealousy, 
and sometimes with the injustice, of an outsider. A plate 
published in London in 1816, the year that Hodgson 
entered Haileybury, shows the pagoda tree as " Exhausted," 
but with Indian officials still eagerly clambering up the 
mutilated stem, which an elephant is breaking off at the 

A period of rapid fortunes in India had given place 
to one of commonplace ostentation. The depravity of 
the "nabobs" of the last century, whom Burke and 
Sheridan scourged sometimes laying the lash on the 
wrong shoulders as is the way with orators had been 
followed by the dull and pompous officials over whom 
Thackeray, himself the son and grandson of Bengal 
civilians, made savage laughter. Barwell bawling to his 
footmen to "bring round more curricles" was succeeded 
in English literature by the fatuous coward Josh. Sedley, 
and by Binnie the plethoric cynic. Sedley is Thackeray's 
portrait of the ignoble class of Bengal civilians of the pre- 
Haileybury type, which still supplied some of the leaders 
of Calcutta society at the time of Hodgson's arrival 

Haileybury, and the aims which Haileybury repre- 
sented, had during the preceding twelve years done 
something to improve upon that type. But although 
the Indian services then, as at all times, produced high- 
minded and able men, and administrators who have never 


been surpassed, the general tone of Calcutta society 
remained much more orientalised than it now is. India 
was a place of exile to a degree which we of the present 
day can scarcely understand, and the exiles found far 
fewer interests outside the routine of their ordinary work. 
The alleviations of Indian existence which we regard as 
matters of course a cheap and abundant supply of ice, 
the European telegrams every morning at breakfast in 
varied and well-written newspapers, the weekly mail from 
England with its budget of letters and new books, the 
summer trip to the hills, and the inexpensive frequent 
holiday home were all unknown to our forerunners in 
Bengal at the beginning of the century. 

On the other hand they had the hookah, the heavy 
midday meal, and the still heavier afternoon sleep. Eng- 
lish ladies, although more numerous than formerly, had 
not yet acquired an absolute predominance in Calcutta, or 
completely imposed their social standards. Some of the 
great Calcutta houses have wings or annexes which are 
still pointed out as the native female apartments of 
those days. Calcutta society, which now strikes a new- 
comer as bright and friendly, only left an impression 
of weariness in the memoirs of a century ago. Macaulay's 
recollections of the Calcutta dinner-parties as combining 
the dulness of a State banquet and the confusion of a 
shilling ordinary refer to a period not long after Hodgson's 

This unattractive picture of Anglo-Indian society in its 
earlier developments is borne out by contemporary accounts 
from widely different hands. It was the P. and O. Company 
that Europeanised the social life of Calcutta. Indeed the 
struggle between Eastern and Western influences upon the 
habits and standards of our countrymen in India forms 
not the least curious chapter in the history of our Asiatic 
rule. Even towards the end of the transition stage, the 
stage contemporary with Brian Hodgson's service in India, 
the tone was widely different from what it now is. The 

HI.] FIRST YEAR IN INDIA: 18181819. 2 7 

Bombay Courier for I83O, 1 the letters of a lady written 
from Madras a few years afterwards, 2 and the Rev. Charles 
Acland's experiences in Bengal from 1842 onward, tell 
the same dull unflattering tale. 3 Henry Martin records 4 
some striking examples of Indianised Englishmen in the 
decade preceding Hodgson's arrival. 

One of the forgotten benefits conferred by Haileybury 
upon Anglo-Indian society was its tendency to stamp the 
old indulgences as bad form. For Haileybury disciplined 
the young civilians in the use of comparative liberty, and 
imbued them in some measure with the responsibilities 
which attach to independence. They came out to India 
with much the same feeling in regard to the more vulgar 
forms of dissipation as that of undergraduates at the 
Universities in their third year. -Hodgson, who always 
remembered his mother's look of disgust when gentlemen 
who had drunk more than enough lurched into her 
drawing-room after dinner, did not find orgies amusing. 
He used to tell how, on arriving in Calcutta, the colonel 
of a crack regiment and his fellow-passenger on the voyage 
asked him to dine at mess. No sooner was the cloth re- 
moved than several large cases of wine, which the hospit- 
able colonel had brought out with him, were deposited on 
the floor. The host then locked the door, put the key into 
his pocket, and, turning to the company, said, " There, 
gentlemen, is your night's work." Before the evening 
was over, most of the gallant entertainers and their guests 
were under the table. But the colonel magnanimously 
allowed Hodgson to pass the bottle on the score of his 
youth, and did not oblige him to sit out the revel. 

1 Quoted in Dr. George Smith's Life of John Wilson, D.D., F.R.S.* 

P- 54- 

3 Letters from Madras during the Years 1836 1839, by a Lady. 
John Murray, 1843. 

3 A Popular Account of the Manners and Customs of India, by the 
Rev. Charles Acland, late Chaplain of Cuttack. 

4 Letter dated March I4th, 1808. Henry Martin, by George Smith, 
LL.D., pp. 221, 222. Ed. 1892. 


Hodgson soon found friends of another sort. His aunt, 
the Dean's wife, had Indian connections and gave him 
introductions to them. Two of these, Sir Charles and 
Lady D'Oyly, took a liking to the young man, and made 
their house his home. Sir Charles belonged to a family which 
has enjoyed an almost hereditary distinction among Bengal 
civilians. He himself had the accomplishments of a man 
of taste, sketched cleverly in water-colours, and was the 
leading dilettante in Calcutta society of that day. His 
father, Sir John D'Oyly of Shottisham, M.P., the sixth 
Baronet, retrieved the family fortunes by Indian service. 
Curiously enough, he held in the previous generation the 
same office to which his son and successor Sir Charles was 
appointed in the year that Hodgson reached India the 
controllership of customs in Calcutta. 

Sir Charles, the seventh Baronet, rose during the course of 
his forty years' service to high positions in Bengal, but it 
was as a man of brilliant talents, rather than as an adminis- 
trator, that he formed the delight of his contemporaries. 
The Marquess of Hastings, then Governor-General, was 
so charmed with him that he resolved to bring him on his 
personal staff. A commission in the Calcutta Militia 
enabled Lord Hastings to appoint him Honorary Aide- 
de-Camp, in addition to his civil duties. D'Oyly took up 
his residence in Government House in that capacity, and 
married one of two beautiful sisters, second cousins of Lady 
Hastings, 1 who were also staying in the house. The other 
sister married the young officer who became General Sir 
Walter Raleigh Gilbert. It was not only in the gay world 
that Sir Charles D'Oyly played a leading part. Bishop 

1 The Marchioness of Hastings was Countess of London in her own 
right. Her second cousin, Elizabeth Jane Ross, who married Sir 
Charles D'Oyly, was the daughter of Major Thomas Ross, R.A. I am 
indebted here and elsewhere to the admirable Family Book of the 
D'Oylys, unpublished, in the possession of the present Sir Charles 
D'Oyly of Dorsetshire. Sir Charles has also a portrait of his predecessor, 
the seventh baronet and Hodgson's friend, as a strikingly handsome 
man in the uniform of the Calcutta Militia, temp. circ. 

in.] FIRST YEAR IN INDIA: 18181819. 2 9 

Heber describes him as " the best gentleman artist I ever 
met with," rich in the then rare gift of seeing the beautiful 
and the picturesque in Indian rural life. 1 In 1818 he was 
thirty-seven years of age, and in the prime of his productive 
energy. During the preceding five years he had published 
the volumes 2 of sketches and letterpress, one of them en- 
graved from his original drawings by John Landseer, which 
made D'Oyly's fame in England. He dashed off trifles 
portraits, hunting scenes, and caricatures for his friends 
with a never-failing flow of humour, and Hodgson cherished 
a portfolio of D'Oyly's sketches made during his early days 
in Calcutta. 

Lady D'Oyly had also a clever pencil, and a light touch 
scarcely to be distinguished from that of her husband. 
She was one of the first Englishwomen whose portraits 
of ladies of the Indian zananas have come down to 
us. In 1818 she was a charming woman of twenty-nine 
spirited and with a noble heart. She conceived for 
Hodgson a friendship which lasted unbroken during fifty- 
seven years, until her death in 1875. The eleven years of 
difference in their age gave her the influence of a fascinating 
and mature young woman over Hodgson's adolescence, and 
helped to form his mind and ideals one of the most 
valuable experiences that can happen to a man on his 
entrance into life. When Hodgson retired from India forty 
years afterwards, no summer passed without an interchange 
of hospitalities. Her annual visit of a month to his house 
at Alderley was kept up as long as her health allowed her 
to leave home. She became in turn the dear and trusted 
friend of both the ladies whom he married, and retained for 
the old man of seventy-five the same generous interest and 

1 Heber's Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces of 
India, 1824-25, Vol. I., p. 314. John Murray, Ed. 1828. 

9 The European in India, 1813; Antiquities of Dacca, with 
engravings by John Landseer from Sir Charles D'Oyly's drawings, 
1814-15. His subsequent works were Tom Raw, the Griffin: a 
Burlesque Poem, 1828, and Sketches on the New Road in a Journey 
from Calcutta to Gyah, 1830. 


admiration which she had accorded to the bright youth of 
eighteen. Her portrait, in the collection of General Sir 
Charles D'Oyly, represents a tall aristocratic woman past 
middle life, with finely cut features and a look of firm 
intelligence almost amounting to command. 

As an inmate of the D'Oyly's house, Hodgson found 
himself among the pleasantest set in Calcutta. In a dull 
society, clever and agreeable people defend themselves from 
the circumambient mass by means of coteries. Lady 
D'Oyly's coterie was the most brilliant, and in its way the 
most exclusive of her time exclusive not as regards social 
position, for there is a frank equality among the Indian 
services, but in the more serious matter of the exclusion 
of bores. It was fortunate for Hodgson that during his 
first year in India, the only year he was ever to spend in 
Calcutta or in fact anywhere out of the wilds of Nepal, he 
had thus the opportunity of becoming known to the rising 
men of the Government, the men who were to grow into 
Chief Secretaries, Members of Council, and Governors of 
Provinces throughout his service. Lady D'Oyly's influence 
practically decided Hodgson's Indian career. The most 
attractive appointments in those days of conquest and 
annexation were political residentships and assistant-resi- 
dentships at the Courts of the Native Princes. These 
appointments the Governor-General, Lord Hastings, kept 
in his own hand. Lady D'Oyly, as the close friend and 
relative of the Marchioness of Hastings, brought her hand- 
some prottgt into the inner circle of Government House, 
and opened for him the path to one of the most coveted 
positions for a young civilian when the opportunity arose. 

Meanwhile Hodgson was pursuing his studies at the 
College of Fort William. The position which he had 
obtained as head of his year at Haileybury fired his 
ambition for further distinction, and he determined to 
read for honours in Sanskrit and the vernacular languages. 
But the first year in India is a trying one to an English 
constitution, and Hodgson did not in any way economise 

in.] FIRST YEAR IN INDIA: 18181819. 31 

himself. Always a pretty boy, he had now acquired that 
delicate beauty of face, very unusual in an English- 
man, which renders his bust remarkable among the 
more massive marbles of the Asiatic Society in Calcutta 
and London. He and his fast friend Lieutenant (after- 
wards General Sir Josias) Cloete appear in Sir Charles 
D'Oyly's sketches as types of the Calcutta dandies of the 
day, arrayed in the Regency fashion with high neck- 
cloths and brass-buttoned coats, which must have been a 
purgatory to their wearers in Bengal. Hodgson predomi- 
nated at balls, was a joyous spirit in the Tent Club, and 
then as ever rode in the first flight whether after a boar 
or a fox or a jackal. He also tried to wedge in a good 
deal of hard study between his social occupations, with 
the result of a serious breakdown* in health. Fever laid 
hold of him with a grip that quinine could not loosen. 
In spite of careful nursing by his friends the D'Oylys, it 
seemed for a time that his Indian career must come to an 
end. " My medical adviser," wrote Hodgson in some brief 
autobiographical notes sixty-two years afterwards, " recom- 
mended me to throw up the service, and go home. ' Here/ 
said he, ' is your choice six feet underground, resign the 
service, or get a hill-appointment/ " 

To return an invalid on the hands of the father who had 
struggled so hard to set him forth in life seemed to 
Hodgson worse than death. The family troubles of his 
early years had sunk deeply into his mind, and from the 
day he left England he was resolved never to cost a penny 
to the heavily burdened parents at home. Indeed the 
recollection of home often weighed so gravely on him that 
his gayer comrades of the Tent Club nicknamed him the 
young philosopher. But at that time a hill-appointment 
was almost an impossibility for a young civilian. Simla, 
Darjiling, Naini Tal, the pleasant summer capitals of 
modern India, were yet unknown. " Of hill-appointments," 
wrote Hodgson, " there were then in the Bengal Presidency 
only two" open to a junior civil servant the assistant- 


commissionership in Kumaun, and the assistant-resident- 
ship in Nepal. For a time it seemed as if " the six feet 
underground" were his only choice. 

But he had already made friends in high places. His 
position as head of his year at Haileybury counted for 
something, the influence of Lady D'Oyly probably for a 
good deal more, and Hodgson found himself, to his surprise 
and delight, appointed assistant to the Commissioner of 
Kumaun. It was a narrow escape which left behind it 
the sobering effect of a liver disease not to be shaken off 
for many a year. Meanwhile he had to give up his pur- 
pose of reading for honours in the classical languages of 
India. He carried away, however, from the College of 
Fort William a grounding in Sanskrit, and left behind 
him a reputation for proficiency in Persian, which was 
afterwards to serve him in good stead. 1 

1 " His career at the College was a highly satisfactory one, and he 
distinguished himself greatly by his zeal, assiduity, and successful 
study of the Persian language." Rajendra Lala Mitra in his Preface to 
The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. iii. (Calcutta, 1882). 



KUMAUN, 18191820. 

THE frontier territory to which Hodgson was appointed 
had been conquered only four years previously, in 
1815, by Lord Hastings who still kept it in a special 
manner under his eye. Situated among the outer ranges 
and spurs of the Himalayas, Kumaun then contained about 
1 1,000 square miles, of which nearly 6,000 were mountain 
forests or wastes, while 3,000 were returned as "snow." 1 
When the young invalid, after a month's palankeen journey 
up the hot valley of the Ganges a journey which killed 
off many a promising liver patient in its day at length 
reached the base of the hills, a broad belt of jungle and 
swamp seemed to block all further progress. Having 
forced his way through this upon an elephant, with the 
knowledge that a night's detention in it meant a return 
of fever in its most fatal form, he entered a region of 
waterless forests, without a spring, and deeply scarred 
by dry river beds. Thence he ascended into the network 
of hills and mountain valleys, about 4,000 feet above the 
sea, which was to be the scene of his first labours in India. 

This was Hodgson's first lesson in the geography of 
Kumaun. The inner region forms a maze of mountains 
rising into peaks of eternal snow, 23,000 to 35,000 feet 

1 Report on Kumaun for 1822-23, by George William Traill, Com- 
missioner for Kumaun affairs. Reprinted by order of the Lieutenant- 
Governor, North-Western Provinces: Official Reports on Kumaun^ 
Agra, 1851, p. i. The above figures include the Garhwal district of the 
present Commissionership of Kumaun. 



above sea-level, with perilous trade-passes of 16,000 to 
18,000 feet northwards to Tibet. In Kumaun proper there 
are no plains ; the base of one ridge generally touches the 
foot of the next, with only a narrow space for a torrent 
between. A gorge of half a mile in breadth is considered 
a fine cultivable valley. The waters from the melting 
snows pour down these gullies till they reach the Bhabar 
forest tract, formed of the loose detritus of the lower hills 
resting on a bed of hard clay. Here the streams sink 
underground through the porous alluvium, in some cases 
disappearing altogether for a space of nine or ten miles, 
in others dwindling into threads of water from the same 
cause. Having flowed unseen through the Bhabar forests, 
beneath the detritus of gravel and above the hard clay bed, 
the waters again emerge in springs and swamps which feed 
the lush vegetation of the swamp and forest belt known as 
the Tarai. Truly a region of extremes, rising with strange 
suddenness from the Indian plains, and one which pro- 
foundly impresses itself on the memory of every English- 
man who has dwelt among it. 

" I have seen much of European mountains," Sir John 
Strachey writes of Kumaun, where, like Hodgson, he spent 
some of the early years of his service, " but in stupendous 
sublimity, combined with a magnificent and luxuriant 
beauty, I have seen nothing that can be compared with the 
Himalaya. The Alpine vegetation of the Kumaun Hima- 
layas, while far more luxuriant, closely resembles in its 
generic forms that of the Alpine regions of Europe. But 
after you have left the plains for 100 miles and have 
almost reached the foot of the great peaks, the valleys are 
still in many cases only 2,000 or 3,000 feet above the sea, 
conveying, as General Strachey says, the heat and vege- 
tation of the tropics among ranges covered with perpetual 
snow.' ' Thus/ he adds, ' the traveller may obtain at a 
glance a range of vision extending from 2,000 to 25,000 
feet, and see spread before him a compendium of the 
entire vegetation of the globe from the tropics to the 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 35 

poles.' Something similar may be said of the animal 
world. Tigers, for instance, are common in the valleys ; 
and it is not very unusual to see their footprints in the 
snow among oaks and pines and rhododendrons 8,000 to 
10,000 feet above the sea. 

" Among earthly spectacles, I cannot conceive it possible 
that any can surpass the Himalaya, as I have seen it at 
sunset on an evening in October from the ranges thirty 
or forty miles from the great peaks. One such view in 
particular, from Binsar in Kumaun, stands out vividly in 
my remembrance. This mountain is 8,000 feet high, 
covered with oak and rhododendron. Towards the north 
you look down over pine-clad slopes into a deep valley, 
where, 6,000 feet below, the Sarju runs through a tro- 
pical forest. Beyond the river if seems to the eye as if 
the peaks of perpetual snow rose straight up and almost 
close to you into the sky. From the bottom of the valley 
to the top of Nanda Devi you see at a glance almost 
24,000 feet of mountain. The stupendous golden or rose- 
coloured masses and pinnacles of the snowy range extend 
before you in unbroken succession for more than 250 miles, 
filling up a third part of the visible horizon, while on all 
other sides, as far as the eye can reach, stretch away 
the red and purple ranges of the lower mountains. ' In 
a hundred ages of the gods/ writes one of the old Sanskrit 
poets, ' I could not tell you of the glories of Himachal.' ' 

Few influences exercise a more permanent effect on 
a young Indian civilian than the character and conduct 
of the first officer under whom he serves. The new- 
comer's standards of work, and his conceptions of duty 
towards the people around him, receive an impress at 
starting which is seldom afterwards effaced. This held 
true even in later times when civilians went out to India 
as grown-up men after a University career, some of them 
as distinguished Fellows of their College. It holds true 
to this day. A third of a century still leaves fresh in my 
memory the enthusiastic admiration which I had for some, 


and the equally unqualified (although I now hope less 
deserved) contempt with which I regarded others, of the 
officers under whom I passed the opening years of my 

Eighty years ago, when civilians joined their first 
appointment as mere lads, the personality of the man with 
whom they were first placed had an even greater influence. 
Their critical faculty with the habit of forming judg- 
ments for themselves had not so fully developed, and they 
insensibly adopted the methods, views, and idiosyncrasies 
of the senior who was their first instructor and guide. 
A working District Officer turned out a series of working 
assistants ; a sporting District Officer made sporting 
assistants ; a District Officer with a taste for revenue 
administration trained the men who were destined to con- 
duct the land-settlement of provinces ; while a District 
Officer who did what was right in his own eyes, with as 
little regard as possible to the central control, produced 
a useful stubborn breed who were prepared to fight for 
their own measures, or mistakes, against all the authority 
of distant Secretariats and Boards. 

Brian Hodgson was fortunate in his first master. George 
William Traill, then Commissioner of Kumaun, formed 
one of the group of strong-handed administrators whom 
Lord Hastings' conquests developed. In order rightly to 
understand this type it must be remembered that the 
five years preceding 1819, when Hodgson went to Kumaun, 
had seriously tested the resources of the British power in 
India. Since Lord Moira, better known by his later title 
as the Marquess of Hastings, assumed the Governor- 
Generalship in 1813, he had been forced into three wars 
of the first magnitude. In 1814 and 1815 he conducted 
the two Nepalese campaigns which, after critical reverses 
to our troops, compelled Nepal to enter into a subsidiary 
alliance, and to cede to us the Himalayan States of 
which Kumaun formed part. In 1817 he hurled the 
strongest British force yet seen in India, numbering 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 1819-1820. 37 

120,000 men, against the Pindaris, and stamped out their 
bandit armies with a thoroughness which left no alternative 
but absolute submission or flight to the jungles, where one 
of the last of their leaders perished by a tiger. In 1818 
he had to face the separate but simultaneous rising of 
the three great Maratha Powers at Poona, Nagpur, and 
Indore. He crushed them by battles sometimes fought 
in the teeth of tremendous odds, and annexed the territories 
which now form large portions of the Bombay Presidency 
and the Central Provinces. 

It was a time that called forth strong men. Lord 
Hastings had re-made the map of India, and he needed 
civilians with courage and independence of resource to 
convert his disorderl> conquests into peaceful British 
provinces. Among these ad mi listrators of the transition 
stage, Traill occupied a foremost place. One of the first- 
fruits of the Haileybury system, 1 he arrived in India in 
1810, and after five years' service was appointed in 1815 
assistant to the Honourable K. Gardner, the political officer 
with the Nepal expedition. Mr. Gardner had conducted 
the political business of the campaign, and at the end of 
it, in April 1815, he had the satisfaction to make the con- 
vention by which the Nepalese ceded to us the territories 
that included Kumaun. 2 He was appointed Commissioner 
of Kumaun, and Traill was posted as his assistant in May 
1815. In 1816 Gardner was promoted to be the first 
Resident at the Court of Nepal. Traill succeeded him 
as Commissioner of Kumaun. 

I have ventured to arrest the narrative by these details 
not without a reason. For Hodgson, as we shall see, 
was soon to be appointed as Gardner's assistant in Nepal, 
and was in due time to succeed him as Resident. 

1 George William Traill, Haileybury 1808-9 ; India 1810-36 ; died 1847. 

8 Mr. E. T. Atkinson's Report on Kumaun, dated August sist, 1877, 
para. 60, from which the following dates in the text are also taken. 
The final and general treaty with Nepal was not ratified till after 
further hostilities in the following year (March 4th, 1816), as I shall 
afterwards explain. 


Meanwhile Hodgson began to learn his business as a fron- 
tier administrator from a master who had a free hand and 
a perfect confidence in himself. George William Traill 
looked upon Kumaun very much as a principality of his 
own to which he had succeeded by conquest He had 
been on the spot when it was taken over from its previous 
rulers. During twenty years one Governor-General after 
another let him have his own way, for on the whole it 
was a way of righteousness ; and he set an example of 
personal government to succeeding Commissioners of 
Kumaun which, in spite of some inconveniences and occa- 
sional scandals, was only broken down in our own day. 

The Governor-General might be ruler of India, but Traill 
was "King of Kumaun." The stamp of personal inde- 
pendence which he gave to its administration survived for 
seventy years, and its last great Commissioner, General 
Ramsay, was still known as " King of Kumaun," even 
under strong Viceroys like Lord Mayo and Lord North- 
brook. " Traill ruled absolutely till I835," 1 and he trained 
up successive assistants in the habit of thinking that a 
frontier administrator knew what was good for his territory 
much better than any distant central authorities. We 
shall see that this early formed conviction determined 
Brian Hodgson's action in the crisis of his diplomatic 
career ; and under a Governor-General who by no means 
took that view. 

It is difficult to imagine a more interesting work for a 
young and generous nature than that on which Hodgson 
now found himself launched. During seventy years Kumaun 
had suffered every misery of invasion, conquest, and revolu- 
tion. In 1744 a horde of Afghan Musalmans known as 
the Rohillas seized the country from the Hindu dynasty 
which, according to its genealogists, ruled Kumaun from 
700 A.D. 2 "Though their stay was short," wrote the 

1 Report on Kumaun by Mr. E. T. Atkinson, dated August 3ist, 
1877, para. 61. 
* Samvat, 757. According to other authorities the Chand dynasty, 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 39 

official annalist, " its ill results to the province are well and 
bitterly remembered, and its mischievous though zealously 
religious character is still attested by the noseless idols 
and trunkless elephants of some of the Kumaun temples." 1 
After seven months of outrages upon the Hindu inhabitants, 
the Rohillas, disgusted with the rigours of the climate, 
accepted a bribe of 30,000, and returned to the plains. 
A second ineffectual invasion of Rohillas was followed by 
a period of internecine struggles in Kumaun itself, 2 and 
before 1780 the Hindu Rajas had lost all their lowland 
possessions except the Bhabar forest tract 

A worse calamity soon afterwards befell Kumaun. The 
Gurkhas, who made themselves masters of Nepal in the 
middle of the 1 8th century, resolved to push their conquests 
westward, and in 1790 invaded t^jC Kumaun hills. During 
twenty-four years they oppressed Kumaun with such 
cruelty that " no sooner had the British forces entered 
the hills (in 1815) than the inhabitants began to join our 
camp, and bring in supplies of provisions for the troops." :i 
"Their tyranny has passed into a proverb, and at the 
present time, when a native of these hills wishes to protest 
in the strongest language in his power against some 
oppression to which he has been subjected, he exclaims 
that ' for him the Company's rule has ceased, and that of 
the Gurkhas has been restored/ " * 

which the Rohillas dispossessed in 1744, rose to power in the twelfth 
century A.D. Vikram Chand (circ. 1400) is alleged to have been the 
thirty-fourth ruler in succession from the founder, Som Chand, who, 
however, is placed by Batten, in his Report, as late as 1178 A.D. A 
mean between the extreme dates is generally taken for the commence- 
ment of the Chand dynasty in Kumaun say the tenth century A.D. 

1 Report on the Kumaun and Rohilkund Tarai, by J. H. Batten, 
then Senior Assistant Commissioner (afterwards Commissioner) of 
Kumaun, dated October 9th, 1844, para. 8. Printed by order of the 
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces : Agra, 1851. 

2 Idem., paras. 9, 10. 

3 Mr. E. T. Atkinson's Report, dated August sist, 1877, para. 57. 
This Report is printed in the volumes of the North-Western Provinces 
Gazetteer. 4 Idem., para. 54. 


The initial measures for converting this shattered princi- 
pality into a British province were being taken at the time 
when Hodgson reached Kumaun. The Gurkhas had 
roughly divided each district into a number of petty 
military commands, sharply enforced a fixed sum from 
the Gurkha officer in charge of each, and practically 
left him and his soldiers to wring as much as they could 
out of the people. "The consequence was that villages 
were left waste ; the inhabitants fled into the densest and 
most impenetrable jungles." l The first object of the 
British officers was to restore confidence and to render 
exactions impossible by fixing the revenue demand. 

The extortions of the Gurkha soldiery afforded no safe 
basis of assessment, so Traill had to fall back on the 
system of taxation under the old Hindu dynasty. He 
found it made up of a variety of imposts, such as transit 
duties on goods, taxes on trade, on cultivation, on mining, 
on law-suits, on the manufacture of ghi or clarified butter, 
on weaving, on grazing cattle, on commodities produced 
from the land, and a variety of " presents " or forced gifts 
to the Raja on the occasion of births, marriages, and the 
various incidents of agricultural life. These taxes were 
continued and others added by the Gurkhas. Such a 
system strangled trade and industry, and was prohibitive 
of progress among the working population. It had, in fact, 
been designed to maintain in pomp and idleness the Hindu 
royal family and its crowds of retainers. The British 
officers gradually relinquished the old oppressive imposts 
one after another, until only three of the most equitable 
of them remained : the land revenue, mining royalties, and 
grazing on forest dues. 

Traill and his assistant Hodgson marched from hamlet 
to hamlet, and, after long and apparently inconclusive 
talks with the elders, fixed some sort of rough assessment 
on each cultivated valley or hill-side. Their only roads 

1 Atkinson's Report on Garhwal District (part of Kumaun), p. 27. 
ut supra. 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 41 

were narrow footpaths and zigzags up the precipices, 
sometimes mere ledges cut out of the rock with a thou- 
sand feet of sheer descent below. Their shelter was a 
little hill-tent, a dismantled tower, or a draughty temple, 
often open on three sides to the storms. But they were both 
young men, indeed astonishingly young considering the 
duties assigned to them. Hodgson was nineteen, Traill 
under thirty, and they went joyously to work " to settle " 
the province. They found the greater part of it owned 
by petty proprietors who derived their title from various 
sources from grants by the old Rajas, from purchase, 
from military or " service " tenures, or from long-established 
occupancy. Most of them hoed and watered their fields 
with their own hands, but some cultivated by means of an 
infei ior order of tillers of the SOL who were mere tenants at 
will. Besides these three classes there were various inter- 
mediate ranks of grantees. 

In all cases the fundamental ownership was vested in 
the State, or rather the State had a fundamental right to 
a first charge on the produce of the land. The rights of 
the several classes had to be ascertained, and the assess- 
ment to be regulated accordingly, from a rate which only 
represented a light land-tax to a rate which amounted to 
a substantial rent. It was a work of classification as well 
as of assessment, and much patience was required in 
enforcing a reasonable amount for the Government with- 
out infringing on the varying rights of the separate orders 
interested in the land. 

It is easy to classify the tenures of an Indian district 
on paper. But it is very difficult to make any such 
classification correspond with all the facts. The difficulty, 
in the case of the first attempts at a land-settlement in 
Kumaun, was enhanced by the fact that Traill and 
Hodgson had to deal with old rights and claims impaired 
or broken down by twenty-four years of Gurkha usur- 
pationthat is to say, with rights that had more or less 
lapsed during almost a whole generation as Indian life 


was .then reckoned. It was further complicated by the 
inchoate rights and claims which had grown up during 
that period. If Traill or Hodgson had brought to their 
task a long experience of the revenue system of any of 
the older provinces of British India, with the precon- 
ceptions which such an experience develops, it might have 
hindered rather than helped them. For the state of things 
with which they were called to deal was essentially diverse ; 
even a universal term like .zamindar, or landholder, has 
a different meaning in Kumaun from what it has in 
Bengal. In Kumaun it connotes no particular form of 
ownership, but is " apparently synonymous with cultivator, 
whether proprietor or tenant." 1 To the two young British 
officers in 1819, the landholders of Kumaun must have 
seemed a confused mass of hereditary proprietors, here- 
ditary occupants holding as tenants at will, and occupants 
holding as praedial serfs or as domestic slaves. 

All classes had a more or less hereditaiy claim to con- 
tinue to cultivate their plots as long as they paid the 
diverse and by no means clearly defined charges upon 
them. There were " resident " cultivators with village 
rights, and " non-resident " cultivators who, although desti- 
tute of such rights, usually held on more easy terms. 2 The 
competition at that time in Kumaun was not for land, 
but for labour to till it ; and cultivators from outside could 
make the best bargain. There were also grazing rights, 
forest rights, irrigation rights, and monopolies in water- 
power for mills. Out of this confusion Traill had to 
develop some sort of revenue system, and in the mean- 
while he had to collect an actual revenue within each 
twelve months. 

He seems to have gone sensibly to work. In the first 
years he looked little to the future, and tried to find what 
each hamlet could practically pay without hardship. Then 

1 The proprietors of land in Kumaun are called thhatwans. Atkin- 
son's Report, para. 33. 
1 They still apparently do. Atkinson's Report (1877), para. 35. 

iv.J FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 43 

he proceeded to a more exact survey of the resources of 
the province, and it was during this period, 1819-20, that 
Hodgson served as his assistant. The results were 
embodied in Traill's memorable Report of 1822-23. Then 
followed a period of settlement for terms of years, but it 
was not till 1846, eleven years after Traill had left the 
district, that a definite settlement could be safely carried 
out 1 Even that settlement was only for twenty years, 
and more than half a century elapsed after Traill and 
Hodgson's labours before the regular North- West system 
of a thirty-years 1 settlement could be applied to Kumaun, 

Meanwhile Brian Hodgson learned mountaineering in 
a practical school. " The inter-reticulations between these 
ranges, 1 ' wrote Mr. Atkinson, 2 " present an extraordinary 
maze of ridges, peaks, and crag ,, ovith a few narrow strips 
of culturable land along the banks of the rivers in the lower 
portions of their courses." However inaccessible a spot 
of cultivation might be, if Hodgson was told off to assess 
it, he had to find his way thither. Many of the gorges 
could only be ascended by repeatedly crossing dangerous 
rivers, over which he had to pass with the help of men 
swimming upon gourds. 3 The bridges, where bridges 
existed at all, tested pretty severely the nerve of the 
traveller and the steadiness of a young head. Traill has 
left a vivid account of them. 

The most solid sort " consists of a single spar thrown 
across " a gorge, or of successive blocks of timber projecting 
each a little beyond the other from both sides till they 
meet in the middle on the cantilever principle, their usual 
width being that of two or three trunks of trees. " The 
third description of bridges, called the j/iuta" continues 
Mr. Traill, " is constructed of ropes ; two sets of cables 
being stretched across the river, and the ends secured in 
the banks. The roadway, consisting of slight ladders of 

1 Official Reports on Kumaun (Agra, 1851), pp. 223 etseq. 

9 Atkinson's Report, para. 4. 

3 Traill's Report, p. 5. Agra reprint, 1851. 


wood two feet in breadth, is suspended parallel to the 
cables by ropes of about three feet in length. By this 
arrangement the horizontal cables form a balustrade to 
support the passenger while reaching from step to step of 
the ladders. To make the jhula practicable for goats and 
sheep, the interstices of the ladders are sometimes closed 
up with twigs laid close to each other. A construction of 
this kind necessarily requires a high bank on both sides, 
and where this evident advantage may be wanting, the 
deficiency of height is supplied by a wooden gallows, 
erected on the two banks, over which the ends of the 
cables are passed. The fourth and most simple bridge 
consists merely of a single cable stretched across the 
stream, to which is suspended a basket traversing on a 
wooden ring ; the passenger or baggage being placed in this 
basket, it is drawn across by a man on the opposite side 
by means of a rope attached to the bottom." l 

It was by the two latter kinds of bridges that Hodgson 
had generally to make his way across the ravines, with 
torrents roaring hundreds of feet below. Traill set about 
the construction of the two more substantial classes of 
wooden bridges first described ; many of the still existing 
ones date from his time, although their timbers have been 
renewed. He says that iron chain bridges, like those 
described in Turner's Tibet, appear to have once been 
used in Kumaun, but that no remains of them survived. 
In Hodgson's time the public works of the old Hindu 
dynasty had disappeared, while those of the new rulers 
were just being begun. The only beasts of burden in the 
Kumaun hills were then sheep and goats, with an occasional 
yak-cow. The sheep carried burdens of ten to sixteen 
pounds of salt or borax in worsted pockets slung over their 
backs, the goats from twelve to twenty-four. But the larger 
breed of sheep from Tibet, somewhat resembling an Ice- 
land ram, could march their five miles a day under loads of 
forty pounds. 

1 Traill's Report, pp. 5, 6. 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 1819-1820. 45 

Travelling in the hills brought Hodgson very near to 
the people. The common hardships and common dangers 
established a bond between the young Englishman and his 
rative followers such as has seldom a chance of growing 
up in the official intercourse of lowland districts. Every 
day he discovered qualities in them which won his esteem 
powers of endurance, steadiness of nerve, resource in 
unexpected difficulties. The hill races can laugh heartily, 
and they understand a joke. Sometimes the single file of 
travellers would be suddenly stopped by a long train of 
pack-sheep coming round a projecting rock, on a ledge so 
narrow as to seem to render it inevitable that one or the 
other of the lines should be forced over the precipice. For, 
as Traill tells us, no attempt had ever been made by the 
native rulers to construct roads ""calculated for beasts of 
burden." l When he and his assistant met one of these 
strings of goats or sheep, it was Traill and Hodgson with 
their following that had to clamber up or down the rock, 
for the line of animals absolutely refused to give way. 
In the Kumaun hills the etiquette of the road, as well 
as the necessities of the situation, compelled the human 
travellers to get out of the path. Hodgson must have 
clung as best he could to the face of many a precipice, 
amid the good-natured laughter of his retinue, while the 
train of borax-laden sheep passed by. 

His love of sport endeared him to the hill-men. At that 
time elephants roamed throughout the Bhabar forest, and 
wild beasts were so common that the British Government 
had to offer rewards for their destruction. In one year, 
even at a subsequent period, 45 tigers, 124 leopards, and 
240 bears were destroyed in Kumaun proper at a cost 
of Rs. 1,400 to the Treasury. The fauna of the district 
is widely varied, from the great carnivers and nilgai 
and many species of deer in the lower tracts, to the 
wild goats of the higher ranges, and the wild yak, 2 the 

1 Traill's Report, p. 4. Agra reprint, 1851. 

* EainchaiunT (Bos gruniens). Atkinson's Report, para. 10. 


wild sheep, 1 and the Ovis Ammon among the snows. 
Reptiles, from the enormous boa-constrictors sometimes 
thirty feet long in the submontane jungles, to the Halys 
Himalayanus in the forests 10,000 feet above the sea, were 
numerous. Many interesting species of birds also fell to 
the young ornithologist's gun. As late as 1876 several 
thousands of the beautiful Kumaun pheasants were shot, 
without regard to their age, sex, or condition, by European 
dealers for the sake of their skins. The taste for natural 
history which Hodgson had imbibed from Professor Walter 
at Haileybury now became one of the pleasures of his life. 

His main duty was, under Traill's direction, to collect 
data for the revenue-settlement of the following year, 1821. 
The last land-assessment of the Gurkhas, made in 1812 
when their oppressions had depopulated the province, 
amounted to Rs. 24i,i22, 2 besides customs, miscellaneous 
imposts, and the innumerable intermediate extortions levied 
by their local agents. After the British drove out the 
Gurkha usurpers in 1815, Gardner and Traill at once 
perceived that, if they were to repeople Kumaun and to 
tempt back the cultivators to its deserted villages, they 
must cut down the Gurkha assessment by one half. They 
accordingly celebrated the first year of British rule by 
reducing the land-assessment to Rs. 123,577.* The popu- 
lation which had fled from the Gurkha oppression to the 
jungles quickly responded to our milder and juster ad- 
ministration. Hill-sides that had fallen out of cultivation 
were hoed up again. Villages long left without an 

1 Bharal (Ovis nahura). Atkinson, para. 10. 

8 Appendices to Traill's Report for 1822-23, Statement D. Agra 
reprint, 1851. In all these statements the term Kumaun includes the 
district of British Garhwal, as the Commissionership of Kumaun does 
at the present day. 

3 Idem,, Statement D. The gross demand from the province by the 
last Gurkha settlement in 1812 was Rs. 268,977 (besides extortions 
by local agents). The gross demand of the first British settlement in 
1815-16 was Rs. 132,723, without extortions. Appendices to Traill's 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 47 

inhabitant began once more to send forth curls of smoke 
from their deserted hearths. During each of the following 
years the land-revenue spontaneously increased notwith- 
standing the abolition of old taxes, 1 and by 1819, when Hodg- 
son began his work in Kumaun, it exceeded Rs. 1 50,000.* 

In 1819-20 the improvement went on rapidly, and Traill 
determined to inquire into the whole subject of the capa- 
bilities of Kumaun. With the help of Hodgson each 
village was visited, and arranged in one of four classes : 
as revenue-paying, revenue free for military or other 
" services," " assigned to temples," or " deserted." Even 
as late as 1822, after a great extension of tillage had taken 
place, the " deserted " villages exceeded 2,000, or more 
than a quarter of the whole revenue-paying villages in 
the province a lasting witness to the miseries inflicted 
during the Gurkha usurpation. When we received the 
province in 1815, the land actually out of cultivation, 
owing to the oppressions of the Gurkhas, was probably 
not less than one half of the cultivable rent-paying area." 
About a thousand villages were exempted for " services " 
rendered or as temple lands, and a moderate assessment 
roughly averaging Rs. 20 per village was levied from the 
remaining 7,892 revenue-paying hamlets. The total land- 
assessment made by Traill and Hodgson for 1821 was under 
Rs. 170,000, or an average of about Rs. 4^ from each house 
in the revenue-paying districts. A " house " usually con- 
tained several families, 4 or grown-up sons: "The number 

1 Among others, Rs. 14,016 of transit duties on trade. Traill's 
Report, Appendices, p. vii. 
9 Idem., Statement D. 

3 In 1824 Traill reported 187,273 bisis (or units of land vide post, 
p. 50) as "waste," against 215,310 under cultivation. But it does not 
appear how much of the " waste " in Kumaun and Garhwal was really 
cultivable. Train's Report, Supplementary Statement, p. viii. Reprint 
of 1851. 

4 There were 39,369 houses in the revenue-paying villages of 
Kumaun including Garhwal, 4,599 in the villages assigned to temples, 
and 68 1 in the revenue-free villages. -Traill's Report, Appendices, 
Statement A. 


of hamlets consisting of one house, 1 ' says Traill, " is very 
great." 1 

This settlement, based on the data collected in 1819-20, 
carried a little further the principles which had been acted 
on since our deliverance of the country from Gurkha oppres- 
sion six years previously. Broadly speaking, it assigned 
a fixed demand to each village, based upon an examination 
of the actual capabilities of the village lands. The Gurkha 
system had been one of confiscation and squeezes. " The 
country," wrote Traill in his Report of 1822-23, "including 
all the villages hitherto reserved for the support of the 
Court and their attendants, was parcelled out in separate 
assignments to the invading army." "The villages were 
everywhere assessed rather on a consideration of the sup- 
posed means of the inhabitants than on any computation 
of their agricultural produce. Balances soon ensued, to 
liquidate which the family and effects of the defaulter 
were seized and sold. The consequent depopulation was 
rapid and excessive." 2 For a time indeed it seemed that, 
under Gurkha rule, the only alternative for the Kumaun 
hill-men lay between flight to the jungles and the sale of 
themselves and their women and children into slavery on 
the Indian plains. 

It was in vain that the central Gurkha Government in 
Nepal tried to arrest the depopulation of Kumaun. It had, 
indeed, issued a commission of inquiry from the Nepalese 
capital to fix the Kumaun revenues at reasonable rates. 
Much of its machinery for the collection of the revenue, 
and its registers of village cultivation, were continued by 
the British administration. But notwithstanding a Gurkha 
inspection of the resources of each village, the Gurkha 
"assessment must be viewed," says Traill, "rather as a 
tax founded on the number of inhabitants than on the 
extent of cultivation." 3 In spite of an elaborate system 

1 Report, p. 12. Reprint of 1851. 

* Traill's Report, pp. 41, 42. Agra reprint, 1851. 

3 Traill's Report, p. 42. 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 49 

of returns and registers, made up village by village and 
bearing the seal of the Gurkha State, " the absence of a 
controlling power on the spot rendered the arrangement 
almost nugatory." 1 

The Gurkha revenue-agents and soldiers squeezed the 
last drop out of the people in Kumaun ; in the Garhwal 
district their exactions were so heavy that even the Gurkha 
military chiefs found it impossible to enforce them. We 
have seen that the legal demand of the Gurkha Govern- 
ment, apart from the extortions of its local agents and 
their underlings, amounted to the double assessment which 
our officers thought reasonable when the province passed 
under British rule. According to the Gurkha system, the 
cultivators who remained were responsible for making good 
the whole revenue. But the depopulation under the Gurkha 
oppressions had rendered it impossible for the Gurkha 
taskmasters to wring the full demand out of the remaining 
inhabitants. Fiscal brutalities and depopulation kept pace 
together, the revenue balances under the Gurkhas " annu- 
ally increasing from the attempt to enforce the full 
demand." 2 

The settlement of 1820-21, following upon Traill's previous 
reforms, put an end to this state of things for ever. In 
order to adjust fairly the taxation of the land, Traill and 
Hodgson made a sort of revenue census. They not only 
counted the villages and arranged them into the four classes 
mentioned on p. 47 ; they also made a careful estimate 
of the number of houses and the quantity of cultivated 
land in each village, together with the number of buffaloes, 
cows, and oxen. The tabular statements which they were 
thus enabled to prepare look very complete. But, as a 
matter of fact, Traill and Hodgson had to arrive at the 
area under cultivation by a series of guesses instead of 
by actual measurement. They adopted the native system, 
current throughout the hills, of calculating the area of 
fields by the supposed quantity of grain which would be 
1 Traill's Report for 1822-23, p. 42. * Idem., p. 42. 



required to sow them. The unit of land was the Ksi, which, 
as the term implies, meant twenty "measures of seed." 1 
The superficial area of a bisi of land differed widely, as the 
grain was sown much more sparsely on poor lands near the 
summit of the cultivated hill-sides, than on rich lands at 
the base of the mountains or on alluvial patches in the 
valleys. It was the only method of arriving at an equitable 
adjustment of the land-tax then practicable in Kumaun, 
and it rendered the demand from each village fairly pro- 
portionate to the aggregate produce of the village lands. 

With these materials before him and proceeding as far 
as possible on the old native registers, Traill assisted 
by Hodgson let out the revenue-paying area of the pro- 
vince in 7,883 lots, a lot usually corresponding to a 
village. 2 But before doing so they had to determine a 
question, the most important of all in its influence on the 
contentment of the people. Who was the person in each 
village entitled to receive the Government lease? Here 
too they followed the old native system, and merely carried 
our administrative arrangements a step further along the 
lines adopted on our first acquisition of Kumaun in 1815. 
Almost every village had its representative man, who 
was recognised to have a right to engage for the land- 
revenue with the ruling Power. This title he might 
derive from several distinct sources : from hereditary pre- 
scription, or from election by the co-sharers in the village 
lands, or in the case of clan-communities by election of 
the clans. As a rule a son succeeded his father in the 
office, unless deemed incapable by reason of youth or of 
feebleness of character, in which case the village co-sharers 
or the clansmen (as the case might be) chose another 
representative from among themselves. 

The representative or head-man 3 of a Kumaun village 

1 Nalis. 

* There were 7,902 "khalsa," or direct revenue-paying villages, and 
7,883 separate leases. Traill's Report for 1822-23, Appendices, State- 
ments A. and D. 

3 Padhan, a vernacular corruption of the Sanskrit pradhan^ chief, 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. $1 

had distinct privileges and distinct obligations. He paid 
the land-tax, in the first place for his own share of the 
cultivated lands. With the aid of the village assembly the 
head-man allotted a fair proportion of the total village as- 
sessment to each cultivator, collected the whole, and handed 
it over to the revenue officer. He managed the distribution 
of the uncultivated lands, letting them out to applicants 
and accounting for their rental to the co-parcenary village 
body. Perhaps the most difficult duty of the head-man 
was to make good the losses arising from fields falling out 
of cultivation. The death of a husbandman without heirs, 
or his migration to another village, left for the moment 
a deficit in the general collections. This deficit the head- 
man had to raise. 1 He called a "general assembly" of the 
village co-sharers, and with their consent added a per- 
centage to the land-tax of each of the co-parceners in the 
cultivated lands. The vacant holding passed for the time 
into the general stock of uncultivated lands, in which the 
villagers had rights in common. The remuneration of the 
head-man consisted of an allotment of revenue-free land, 2 
averaging about five per cent of the whole cultivated area 
in Kumaun proper, together with fees on marriages. 

A useful representative person of this sort grew into 
importance under the British system of adjusting the 

principal. The term was used throughout India for widely different 
classes of functionaries, from the Prime Minister at a Hindu Court, 
and the eight chief civil and military officers of the Maratha State as 
established by Sivaji, to a village head-man, or a respectable cultivator 
with hereditary rights. 

1 For an account of this system of joint responsibility, by which the 
village commune had to make up the land-tax of deceased or defaulting 
members, see my Bengal MS. Records (4 vols., 1894), Introduction, p. 54, 
etc. Under the Mughal revenue settlements it developed into a regular 
abwab or extra tax, the najat. 

8 Termed Hek Padhanchari, and amounting practically to 5,000 bisis 
out of a total of 101,924 bisis of revenue-paying land in Kumaun 
proper. In the Garhwal district the system varied. Traill's Report 
for 1822-23, p. 52, compared with Appendices, Statement D. 


land-revenue fairly to the capabilities of each village. 
He became " the village ministerial officer entrusted with 
the collection of the Government demand, and with the 
supervision of the village police." 1 During the inquiries 
of Traill and Hodgson in 1819-20, he formed an invaluable 
link between the British officers and the people. It was 
from constant intercourse with the village head-men that 
the two young investigators chiefly obtained the informa- 
tion which made up TrailPs Statistical Sketch of Kumaun 
two years later. 

The collection of the materials for that work opened out 
a new world to Hodgson, although his share in collecting 
them was a subordinate one. It is impossible now to 
distinguish his contributions. But the habit of systematic 
inquiry into the population, their history, language, 
social institutions, and economic conditions, which Traill 
impressed upon Hodgson in his first years of service, 
became the keynote of Hodgson's whole official career. 
It is surprising how long a really good piece of work lives 
in India. The Report for which Traill and his assistant 
were gathering the materials in 1819-20 became the basis 
of the administrative handbook to the province. It was 
published in the Asiatick Researc/ies in 1 828 ; 2 entered 
largely into Batten's Settlement Reports of Kumaun from 
1842 to 1848 ; was reprinted by order of the Licutenant- 
Governor of the North- Western Provinces in 1851 ; 
supplied the materials for the account of Kumaun 4 written 
by Mr. Atkinson 6 in 1877 for the Statistical Survey of 
India ; and then started life afresh in the article " Kumaun " 

1 Traill, quoted in J. H. Batten's Report on Garhwal, dated 
August loth, 1842, para. 20. 

8 Under the title of " Statistical Sketch of Kumaun/' Asiatick Re- 
searches, Vol. XVI. (Calcutta, 1828), pp. 137-234. 

3 As No. i of The Official Reports of the Province of Kumaun. 
Secundra Orphan Press, Agra, 1851. 

4 Dated Naini Tal, August 3ist, 1877, and printed in the Gazetteer 
volumes of the North-Western Provinces. 

5 Mr. E. T. Atkinson afterwards became Comptroller-General of 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 53 

in the Imperial Gazetteer of India. That article reproduced 
in 1886 some of the ipsissima verba of Traill written in 1823. 

If any young Indian civilian, in the solitude and ill- 
health amid which some of his earlier years may be spent, 
feels inclined to despond about the reality of his work, let 
him read the foregoing paragraph. No lives could be 
more solitary than those of Traill and Hodgson in Kumaun, 
and few civilians have had to struggle so hard with ill- 
health as the latter during the first part of his Indian 
service. Yet not only their work but their very words are 
alive and bearing fruit to this day. 

There is something very refreshing in the sight of these 
two young men setting to work with almost boyish zest 
to take stock of the terra incognita of a new British province. 
They found the population divfded into two classes: 
human beings and ghosts. Of both classes Traill furnishes 
an equally serious account. The ethnical origin of the 
various human races in the mountains is discussed, and a 
realistic description of their customs winds up with a 
tribute to their integrity. "Of the honesty of the hill 
people," writes Traill, " too much praise cannot be given. 
Property of all kinds is left exposed in every way, without 
fear and without loss. In those districts whence periodical 
migration to the Tarai takes place, the villages are left 
with almost a single occupant during half the year, and 
though a great part of the property of the villagers remains 
in their houses, no precaution is deemed necessary, except 
securing the doors against the ingress of animals, which is 
done by a bar of wood, the use of locks being as yet 
confined to the higher classes. In their pecuniary trans- 
actions with each other, the agricultural classes have rarely 
recourse to written engagements; bargains concluded by 
the parties joining hands (hath marnd) in token of assent 

Finance to the Government of India, and filled the office of President 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. His comparatively early death cut 
short a career of usefulness both to the Indian administration and to 
Oriental scholarship. 


prove equally effectual and binding as if secured by 
parchment and seals." 1 

But the most complete details are reserved for "the 
ghost tribe," which Traill informs us " is divided into many 
varieties. The first and most formidable is the Bhut," or 
ghosts of persons who have died a violent death, by murder, 
drowning, or public execution, and to whose manes due 
funeral honours have not been paid. These require to 
be appeased by sacrifices and offerings. " Masan or imps 
are the ghosts of young children, the bodies of whom 
are buried and not burnt, and who prowl about the villages 
in the shape of bears and other wild animals. Tola or 
will-o'-the-wisps are ghosts of bachelors, that is males who 
may die at mature age unmarried," dwellers in solitary 
places and contemned by other ghosts. The Airi or ghosts 
of persons killed in hunting wandered about the forest in 
which their death occurred, and might be heard from time 
to time hallooing to their spectral dogs. The Acheri or 
hill fairies were the ghosts of young female children, who 
flitted about the tops of mountains, producing wondrous 
optical illusions among the distant ranges, and descending 
at dusk to play in the valleys. The Deos or demons 
formed a numerous and malignant class ; " indeed scarce a 
village but has its peculiar Deo." 2 

I have condensed the foregoing paragraph to show 
the minute character of the inquiries conducted by Traill 
and his assistant not only into the social conditions, but 
also into the inner life of the people. It would be easy to 
multiply interesting examples of the customs and super- 
stitions which they were thus enabled to record. I confine 
myself to one more passage from TrailPs Report dealing 
with the judicial procedure by ordeal which he found in 
full work in Kumaun. 

" Three forms of ordeal were in common use : First, the 
Gola Dip, which consists in receiving in the palms of the 

1 Traill's Report, p. 64. Reprint of 1851. 
1 Traill's Report for 1822-23, pp. 65-67. 

iv.] FIRST APPOINTMENT: 18191820. 55 

hands, and carrying to a certain distance, a red-hot bar of 
iron. Second, the Karat Dip, in which the hand is plunged 
into a vessel of boiling oil, in which cases the test of truth 
is the absence of marks of burning on the hand. Third, 
Tarazu-ka Dip : in this the person undergoing the ordeal 
was weighed at night, against stones which were then 
carefully deposited under lock and key and the seal of the 
superintending officer. On the following morning, after a 
variety of ceremonies, the appellant was again weighed, and 
the substantiation of his cause depended on his proving 
heavier than on the preceding evening. 

" The Tir-ka Dip, in which the person remained with his 
head submerged in water, while another ran the distance of 
a bowshot and back, was sometimes resorted to. The 
Gurkha governors introduced unether mode of trial by 
water, in which two boys, both unable to swim, were thrown 
into a pond of water, and the longest liver gained the cause. 
Formerly, poison was, in very particular causes, resorted to 
as the criterion of innocence : a given dose of a particular 
root was administered, and the party, if he survived, was 
absolved. A further mode of appeal to the interposition of 
the deity was by placing the sum of money, or a bit of earth 
from the land in dispute, in a temple before the idol. 
Either one of the parties volunteering such test then, with 
imprecations on himself if false, took up the article in 
question. Supposing no death to occur within six months 
in his immediate family, he gained his cause ; on the 
contrary, he was cast in the event of being visited with any 
great calamity or if afflicted with severe sickness during 
that period." 1 

Hodgson seems to have given satisfaction to his young 
chief, and in 1820 an unexpected piece of promotion befell 
him. Mr. Stuart the assistant to the British Resident at 
the Court of Nepal died, 2 and the Resident, Gardner, 

1 Train's Report, pp. 29, 30. 

3 Robert Stuart, Haileybury 1808-9; India 1810; died March I4th, 


wanted a thoroughly competent man to replace him. 
Stuart had been a contemporary of Traill at Haileybury, 
and went out to India in the same year. Traill was 
Gardner's assistant in Kumaun, as Stuart was his assistant 
in Nepal. Gardner would naturally consult Traill in filling 
the vacant post, and probably on Traill's recommendation 
Hodgson was appointed. 

Sir Charles D'Oyly may have put in a good word for 
him at headquarters in Calcutta, but it is almost certain 
that so junior an officer as Hodgson would not have been 
selected for this responsible position if he had not already 
made his mark and been strongly recommended by his 
immediate superior. Indeed it is difficult to imagine a 
better training (brief as it was) for his new duties at the 
Gurkha capital of Nepal than Hodgson received in 
Kumaun. He learned at first hand the process by which 
a territory was being redeemed from Gurkha misrule and 
converted into a prosperous British province. 

Traill started in 1815 on the old native methods of 
administration, except when they conflicted with justice 
or humanity. By three years of experimental settlements 1 
he patiently found out in what particulars those methods 
were defective. He then commenced a careful investiga- 
tion of the conditions and actual capabilities of the province, 
with a view to a more permanent arrangement based on 
the ascertained facts. These inquiries, conducted throughout 
1818-20, yielded the materials for the fourth British settle- 
ment of Kumaun in 1 820-2 1, 2 and for the general Report 
on the province for 1822-23. Traill had the art of getting 
the most out of his assistants and of stamping his personality 
upon them. In less than two years he not only taught 
Hodgson how to inquire, but also implanted in him a love 
of inquiry which was destined to extend, in more than 
one direction, the boundaries of human knowledge. 

1 For 1815-16, 1816-17, 1817-18. * Samvat, 1877. 




HODGSON carried with him from Kumaun a very 
grateful remembrance of his first master. " I was 
much struck," he writes in his brief autobiographical notes, 
" by the simple yet efficient metnod of administrating the 
province, a new acquisition tenanted by very primitive and 
poor tribes. The Commissioner (Traill) who spoke and 
wrote the local language, dispensed with all formalities, 
settled cases in court like the father of a family, and 
encouraged every one who had a complaint to put it in 
writing and drop it into a slit in the court door, of which 
he kept the key. Answered vivA voce, in court or out. 
He was of active habits, and went everywhere throughout 
the province, hearing and seeing all for himself. His 
cheerful simple manners and liking for the people made 
him justly popular. Took a hint from him when myself 
in authority in Nepal as to the way of becoming popular." 
Nor was his new chief Gardner, under whom Traill also 
had made his mark, less gifted with qualities which win the 
admiration of a generous youth. " Found at Kathmandu," 
continue Hodgson's jottings, " in the head of the embassy 
another man to form myself upon, a man with all the 
simplicity and more than the courtesy of Traill, a man 
who was the perfection of good sense and good temper ; 
who, liking the Nepalese and understanding them, was 
doing wonders in reconciling a Court of Chinese proclivities 
to the offensive novelty of responsible international dealing 


through a permanent diplomatic establishment in their 
midst a Court whose pride and poverty made it, more- 
over, jealously fretful at the novel sight of the costly and 
pompous style then inseparable from our Indian embassies." 1 
The Honourable Edward Gardner was the Marquess of 
Hastings' right-hand man in bringing Nepal into treaty 
relations with the British. Edward Gardner and his 
cousin, Lieut-Colonel William Gardner, had mainly effected 
the conquest and annexation of Kumaun which turned 
the tide of the Nepal war in our favour. Descended from 
the gallant Gardner of Coleraine, who commanded a com- 
pany within Deny during the memorable siege, the family 
rose to distinction in the person of Admiral Sir Alan 
Gardner a in the reign of George the Third. The Admiral 
received a peerage for brilliant services prolonged over 
more than half a century. One of his nephews William 
Linnaeus Gardner, 3 after chequered experiences in the 
British army, married an Indian princess, and concluded 
a career of military adventure with the Marathas by 
taking pay as a leader of irregular horse under Lord 
Lake (circa 1804). His kinsman, Edward, 4 fifth son of 

1 Notes written by Brian Hodgson about 1881, and given to me by 
Mrs. Hodgson. 

* Born 1742; entered royal navy 1755; lieutenant of the Bellona 
1760; Commander-in-Chief of His Majesty's ships in Jamaica 1786; 
fought in Lord Howe's actions of May 2Qth and June 1st, 1794; 
Baronetcy 1794 ; second in command in the action off Port L'Orient, 
*795; Irish peerage 1800; peerage of the United Kingdom 1806; died 
1809 (according to Fosters Peerage, December 3Oth, 1808). 

8 Born 1770; died 1835. See the spirited notice in the Dictionary 
of National Biography, and article " Kasganj " in my Imperial Gazetteer 
of India, Vol. VIII., pp. 59, 60. Ed. 1886. 

4 Born 1784; arrived in India as a Writer 1802; Registrar and 
Assistant to Magistrate of Aligarh 1805 ; Assistant to Resident at Delhi 
1808; acting Judge and Magistrate of Moradabad 1813; Commis- 
sioner and Governor- General's Agent in Kumaun 1814; Resident in 
Nepal 1816; for a short time Resident for the Native States in 
Bundelkhand and Superintendent of the Narbada Territories 1819, but 
presently resumed the Residency in Nepal; retired from the Service 
1829; died in England October 5th, i%6i. India Office MS. Records. 

v.] EARLY YEARS IN NEPAL: 18201824. 59 

Admiral Lord Gardner, entered the Bengal Civil Service in 
1802. He early distinguished himself in political employ- 
ment, and in the districts which had formed the scene of 
Lord Lake's campaign of 1802-3. ^ n l8l 4 the Marquess 
of Hastings employed the two cousins Edward ?nd 
William Gardner in the central or Kumaun expedition 
against the Gurkha power. 

The success of its operations was in no small measure 
due to Lieut. -Colonel William Linnaeus Gardner's tact 
and knowledge of the native character. Edward, as 
political officer with the force, put the seal of peace upon 
the conquest of Kumaun. Colonel W. L. Gardner after 
further service in Central India, the North- Western 
Provinces and Burma, at the head of his irregular cavalry 
known as Gardner's Corps, 1 settled'down with his princess 
on a property which they bought in Etah District, and 
there they both died within a month of each other at a 
ripe age in 1835. His cousin the Honourable Edward 
became, as we have seen, the first Commissioner of 
Kumaun, and was promoted by Lord Hastings after the 
ratification of the Treaty of Segauli to be the first British 
Resident in Nepal. 

Hodgson came to Nepal at a time when this stirring 
period had given place to a reaction of sullen acquiescence. 
After half a century of aggression and insolence the 
Nepalese had been forced to submit to our arms. The 
Company's earlier relations with them tended, indeed, to 
encourage a contempt for its power. 2 In 1767, at the time 
of the Gurkha usurpation of Nepal, we had declared in 
favour of the legitimate but effete Newar Raja of Kath- 
mandu, and despatched to his aid a force which never 

1 Otherwise the 2nd Local Horse. 

* The following summary is condensed from Sir Charles Aitchison's 
Treaties and Engagements, Vol. II., Part III. (Ed. 1876) ; H. T. 
Prinsep's History of the Political and Military Transactions in India 
during the Administration of the Marquess of Hastings, 1813-1823, 
Vol. I. (Ed. 1825) ; and General Sir John Malcolm's Political History of 
India from 1784 to 1823 (Ed. 1826). 


got farther than the jungly outskirts of the country the 
deadly Tarai. 

In 1792 the Gurkhas, having completely subjugated 
Nepal, were encroaching on Tibet and advanced as far 
as Digarchi, the Lama of which was spiritual father to the 
Emperor of China. The Chinese Emperor replied to 
their insolence by a mighty army. The Nepal Court 
sought the favour of the British by means of a commercial 
treaty/ and Lord Cornwallis offered to mediate between 
China and Nepal. But before our envoy reached the 
frontier, the Chinese general had imposed an ignominious 
submission on the Nepalese within a few miles of their 
capital Kathmandu. 

During the first twenty-five years of our intercourse 
we had thus appeared to Nepal equally incapable as an 
opponent and as an ally. This tradition survived during 
a generation, and, as we shall see, affected the attitude of 
the Nepal Court throughout Hodgson's whole residence. 
The commercial treaty of 1792 speedily became a dead 
letter, the Nepalese encroached on our frontier, and a 
new treaty in 1801 ended in our further discomfiture. 2 On 
that occasion we mixed ourselves up with the domestic 
disputes of the reigning family in Nepal. The treaty of 
1 80 1 provided, inter alia, for the appointment of a British 
representative at the Court of Kathmandu, and Captain 
Knox was appointed to the post. But he was treated 
with such contumely as to compel him to withdraw from 
Nepal in 1803, and on January 24th, 1804, Lord Wellesley 
formally dissolved our alliance with the Nepalese. 

The next eight years formed a period of unavailing 
remonstrance against Gurkha aggressions along the whole 
length of our frontier. The Gurkhas seized one piece of 
territory" after another. Only on a single occasion did 
they give up their prey, and on that occasion only when a 

1 Dated March ist, 1792, and numbered LI. in Aitchison's Treaties^ 
Vol. II., p. 159. Ed. 1876. 
8 No. LII. in Aitchison's Treaties, II., pp. 161-164. 

v.] EARLY YEARS IN NEPAL: 18201824. 6 1 

British detachment was despatched to retake possession of 
the lands at the point of the bayonet (1810). In the next 
year they again crossed our frontier, and their forcible 
entry among an unwilling population gave rise to the first 
border skirmish. Lord Minto was at length compelled tc 
recognise that a gradual invasion of the British districts 
was being carried on. After trying in vain to effect a 
settlement by commissioners, he formally called on the 
Gurkha Government in June 1813 for redress. 

Before the reply a most unsatisfactory one arrived, 
Lord Hastings 1 had assumed the Governor-Generalship. 
The alternative forced upon him was simple. " I might 
shrink," he wrote, " from the declaration plighted by Lord 
Minto, abandoning the property of the Company, sacri- 
ficing the safety of our subjects, and staining the character 
of our Government ; or I had to act up to the engagements 
bequeathed to me, and to reprove the trespass of an in- 
satiable neighbour." 2 

The war which followed is a matter of general history, 
and has been lately summarised by a military expert of 
no ordinary skill. 3 It must suffice here to state that, after 
an unsuccessful campaign by four British columns in 1814, 
the struggle was renewed in the following year. In April 
1815 the troops under Lieut-Colonel Gardner forced 
the centre of the long-extended frontier of the Nepalese 
dominions, and occupied Kumaun. The fall of its capital 
Almora took the heart out of the Gurkha army, already 
tired of a protracted conflict, and enabled our western 
column operating from the Sutlej to secure possession of 
the Simla and Punjab hill-states. Our troops thus set free 
in the west were employed to reinforce the British army 

1 Throughout I call Lord Moira by his later and best-known title of 
Marquess of Hastings. 

8 Nepal Papers, 992. Quoted, H. H. Wilson's History of British 
India from 1805 to 1835, Vol. II., p. 76, footnote. Ed. 1846. 

3 It forms Chapter IV. of the admirable monograph on The Marquess 
of Hastings, written by Major Ross-of-Bladensburg, C.B., for the 
Rulers of India Series, 1893. 


advancing in the east from Bengal upon Kathmandu. In 
the spring of 1816 it imposed terms of peace within a 
short distance of that capital. After exhausting every 
device of procrastination the Nepalese delivered to our 
victorious general, Sir David Ochterlony, " at half-past two 
o'clock p.m. on the 4th of March, 1816," l a treaty by which 
they renounced all claims to the lands in dispute before 
the war, ceded extensive territories, and engaged never to 
employ any European or American without our consent. 
Nepal thus entered into subordinate alliance to the British 
power. To secure that the new relationship should be 
effectually maintained, it agreed " that accredited ministers 
from each shall reside at the Court of the other." 2 

It was this Treaty of Segauli that the Honourable Edward 
Gardner had been appointed in 1816 to carry out. The 
task was made easier for him by the frankly cordial atti- 
tude which the Governor-General adopted towards Nepal 
from the moment that hostilities ceased. Lord Hastings, 
" with a view to gratify the Raja in a point which he has 
much at heart," 3 authorised Gardner to soothe the wounded 
honour of the Nepalese by giving them back, for a 
pecuniary consideration, a part of the Tarai conveniently 
separated from the British boundary. 

Lord Hastings aimed at converting Nepal from a 
troublesome neighbour into if possible a friendly, or at 
least a quiescent, ally. Gardner was exactly the man to 
give effect to the Governor-General's policy " that all 
future causes of misunderstanding should be avoided."* 
During the thirteen years of his residentship at Kath- 
mandu, he preserved an attitude of benevolent non-inter- 

1 Sir David Ochterlony's endorsement. Aitchison's Treaties, Vol. II., 
p. 168. Ed. 1876. 

3 Treaty 'of Segauli, Article 8. No. LIII. in Aitchison's Treaties, 
Vol. II., pp. 166-168. 

3 Memorandum of December 8th, 1816, signed " Edward Gardner"; 
and counterpart letter and document from the Raja of Nepal, received 
on December nth, 1 8 16. Aitchison's Treaties, Vol. II., pp. 168-171. 

4 The Marquess of Hastings^ by Major Ross-of-Bladensburg, p. 77. 

v.] EARLY YEARS IN NEPAL: 1820-1824. 63 

ference and abstained from raising any new questions. 
That long period added not a single document to our 
public engagements with Nepal, and Sir Charles Aitchison's 
authoritative narrative of our diplomatic transactions passes 
without comment from 1816 to I832. 1 This policy of nor- 
intervention was rendered possible by the long predomin- 
ance of the minister Bhim Sen Thappa, who had witnessed 
the whole course of the war and had definitely although 
reluctantly recognised the invincible force of the British 

Mr. Gardner found Bhim Sen in complete control of the 
factions which made up the Gurkha nation. Soon after 
Gardner's arrival at Kathmandu the nominal Raja died, 
leaving an infant two years old as his successor. Bhim 
Sen remained in power as Prime Minister, with the Queen- 
Mother as nominal Regent during the long minority. He 
conciliated the Gurkha chiefs by keeping up a large 
standing army, and by a display of almost insolent indif- 
ference to the British Resident. At the same time he 
avoided any cause of actual rupture with the English 
power. Gardner perfectly understood the position. His 
business was to do nothing, so he and the Prime Minister, 
while privately good friends, maintained in public an 
attitude of haughty aloofness, like two estimable augurs 
without a wink or a betraying smile. 

Hodgson too was not long in realising the situation. 
After the first pleasure in his promotion wore off, he by 
no means relished the prospect of doing nothing for an 
indefinite period in an out-of-the-way corner of India. 
Gardner, a man of only thirty-six in 1820, was evidently 
a fixture in Nepal for life. Hodgson, fresh from his robust 
training in Kumaun, shrank from so prolonged a study in 
the art of looking on. Instead of the world of administra- 
tive activities into which Traill had launched him, he now 
found himself shut up in the narrow round of Residency 
routine, and forbidden to stray further than a morning's 

1 Aitchison's Treaties and Engagements, Vol. II., p. 152. Ed. 1876. 


ride from its walls. His friends at headquarters bestirred 
themselves, his Persian proficiency at College remained on 
record, and after two years of laissez-faire in Nepal he 
was brought into the Foreign Office, Calcutta, as acting 
Deputy-Secretary in the Persian Department. 1 

So in 1822, after barely five years in India, Hodgson's 
great chance in life came to him. The Deputy-Secretary- 
ship was in itself one of the chief prizes of the junior 
service. It might lead to the very highest positions to 
Governor-General's Agencies, to Council, or to the govern- 
ment of a province. It gave almost certain opportunities 
for personal distinction. A Bengal civilian with a fair 
amount of talent and industry had only to follow step by 
step the line of promotion which it naturally opened up, 
in order to enjoy an interesting and a lucrative career. 
But before long it became apparent that the pleasant 
places at headquarters were not to fall to Hodgson's lot. 
The climatic complaints which had formerly driven him 
from Calcutta again fastened on him, and with a more 
lasting hold. 

The Calcutta autumn of 1823, like that of 1819, tried 
him severely, and by the end of the year the old alter- 
native was once more forced upon him, an appointment 
in the hills or a grave on the plains. To him also as to 
many an eager soul, from the days of Baruch the son of 
Neriah downwards, came the message : " And seekest thou 
to do great things for thyself?" A voyage to England 
might have restored his health, and opened afresh to him 
the brilliant career which stretched its vista before his eyes. 
But a voyage to England was for him impossible. He 
had already become the bread-winner of an unprosperous 
far-off home, and he could not intermit the support on 
which his parents in large measure depended. 

In the present case there was no means of breaking the 
fall. The office of Assistant at the Nepalese Residency 
had been filled up, and Hodgson " at the beginning of 
1 November 1822. India Office MS. Records. 

v.] EARLY YEARS IN NEPAL: 18201824. 65 

1824 returned to Kathmandu to assume charge of the 
post-office there." l For more than a year he recruited his 
health in that subordinate post. In 1825 the assistant- 
residentship again fell vacant, and Hodgson was reappointed 
to it. 2 But the hope of a career in the great arenas of 
Indian diplomacy and administration, opened up by the 
deputy-secretaryship in the Foreign Office, had closed 
to him for ever. He: knew that if he were to continue to 
live in India his life must be spent in Nepal. 

1 Rajendra Lala Mitra, Preface to The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 
of Nepal (Calcutta, 1882), and India Office MS. Records. 
* India Office MS. Records. 



SO in 1824 Hodgson returned to Kathmandu, seeing 
clearly that for him an Indian career was circum- 
scribed by stringent limits. A pent-up valley in the 
Himalayas which he could traverse in a forenoon, and 
beyond which no European might penetrate, was hence- 
forward to be his world. How he converted his misfortune 
into an opportunity, and used his isolation as the poet 
employs the narrow bounds of the sonnet to perfect his 
work, forms the story of this book. His life was to be one 
of solitary labour, with small chance of recognition, and 
indeed with little thought of the outer world. The best 
memorial of him is his work, and I shall try to show what 
he was by a plain statement of what he did. I thus fulfil 
his own wish, a wish expressed in many gentle ways during 
the last twenty-five years of his life, when I had the 
happiness to call him friend. 

He has, of a truth, left so vast and multiform a mass of 
labour that there is danger of his individuality being buried 
beneath its own creations. While therefore the following 
chapters of this volume will be almost exclusively occupied 
by a record of his work, it seems well, before we enter upon 
it, to get a clear idea of the man. It may save interrup- 
tions in the subsequent narrative, and explain certain of its 
episodes, if we carry with us some perception of his per- 
sonality sensitive, high-minded, I had almost said haughty, 
careless of praise yet longing for love and of that insatiable 
spirit of exploration into many regions of human know- 
ledge which marked him out among men. 


Hodgson soon discovered that intense mental activity, 
even when it brings success, docs not satisfy a man's whole 
nature. He began to feel the hunger of the heart which 
forms so marked a feature in the lives of Englishmen 
who have rendered great services in India. A 1 most fiom 
the outset he managed to send part of his salary to his 
mother, and the straitened household at Canterbury had 
got into the habit of depending on him for no incon- 
siderable part of its income. The father never recovered 
the loss of his fortune in middle life, and although his com- 
mandantship of the Martello Towers led to another small 
military appointment, whose duties he faithfully and 
modestly discharged, it became clear that -Brian must be 
a main support of the family. The younger children 
grew up to regard Brian as a sort of tutelary power rather 
than as one of themselves a power working in the myste- 
rious distance for their good, and capable of being specially 
invoked when each brother or sister had to be furnished 
forth in life. 

Hodgson, however, was no mere benevolent abstraction, 
but a very solitary man longing for human affection. Like 
many an Anglo-Indian brother and father, he felt that he 
was growing to be an outsider to the dear ones at home, 
and he would gladly have exchanged all their gratitude 
and admiration for a little love. Especially did he feel this 
in regard to his favourite sister Frances, always throughout 
life his " dearest Fan." She was only a child of eight when 
he left for India, and her early fondness for him as a 
comrade soon faded away into veneration for a distant 
benefactor. But veneration is rather trying to a healthy- 
minded youth of twenty-five, and Hodgson, in his letters 
to her, half attempted to live up to it and half tried to 
break it down into some warmer sisterly feeling. A few 
extracts from these letters will show the inner nature of 
the man. He felt forced to play the mentor, yet hated the 

The first which has been preserved was written to his 


sister when about fifteen. In judging of the style one must 
remember that it was still the age of fraternal responsibility 
and of the suppressed and ornamental position of girls. 
It might have been written by an elder brother in one of 
Jane Austen's novels, and consequently contains passages 
which may make a modern girl stamp her foot. 

" December isf, [1825]. 

" MY SWEET FAN ! A letter under date May 23rd, 
from our dearest mother, gives me a charming account of 
your talents, industry, and acquirements. You love music 
and promise to excel. You have possessed yourself of 
those elegant languages French and Italian. How I long 
to hear my sweet Fanny sing an Italian song with all the 
taste and feeling of a genuine lover of music ! And as you 
take pains to accomplish yourself in these fascinating arts, 
I doubt not that you bestow your talents and industry with 
equal or greater zeal on the acquisition of more important 
arts the noble arts of self-command, of a just control over 
your thoughts and affections ; and the constraining of both 
into a steady course of action sufficiently rigid in regard to 
yourself, and sufficiently gentle and considerate in regard 
to all others. Gentleness, dearest Fan, is the crown of 
womanhood, and, when accompanied by spirit and talent, 
forms the perfection of your sex in the eyes of ours. 

" I am very glad to hear you are fond of reading, because 
books open sources of satisfaction more permanent, more 
within our own command, more various, and more suited 
to a cultivated mind than any other which this world 
affords to us. Accident or good luck led me to turn my 
attention early towards books, and I can assure you, from 
experience, that during the past six years I have drawn 
the chief joys of my life from this fount. 

" I do not, however, mean to read you a lecture, dearest 
FanI am a laughing philosopher, if philosopher at all 

1 Received at Boulogne, May 23rd, 1826. 


and so little am I used to this grave mood that the deep 
interest I take in your happiness could alone have moved 
me to assume it. You will, my pretty one, readily believe, 
and seriously think on, what a brother tells you a brother 
who speaks to you from the distance of half the world. 
Wisdom in the conduct of life is nothing mysterious or 
hard to find. Children may comprehend it. ' She crieth 
aloud in the streets,' as Scripture says ; and the only secret 
is, not to know, but to act up to her injunctions which 
even the most sensible and well-disposed cannot do with- 
out early disciplining themselves to habits of self-denial 
and of consideration for others. Let the very look of 
your parents be a law to you give your sister's wish the 
preference to your own and, in general society, ever re- 
member that all mankind love ' hemselves better than they 
love you. Consequently the quality most agreeable to them 
is modesty the most disagreeable is pride or vanity. 

" Ah, dearest Fan, 'twill be many a long year before I 
can hope to see you, and in saying what I have said, no 
possible motive can have influenced me but the desire to 
make you lovely in the eyes of those who will see you. 
I beg you will henceforward write to me once every month 
or two months, and in my future letters I will be more gay 
and gallant. I am very well, and busy among my bluff 
friends from Tibet, who are now here on their annual visit. 
Will has had a fever, but is doing well and on his way to 
Bhartpur with the army. I got, long ago, the dear lock 
of your hair, with one of Ellen's, and I sent you a lock of 
mine. Ever, sweet Fan, your affectionate 

" BRIAN." 

" Will " (his brother William, born 1805) had obtained a 
nomination to the Company's military service from the 
same family friend, Mr. James Pattison, to whom Brian 
owed his own appointment After three years at Addis- 
combe, William received his commission in I823, 1 and 

1 Addiscombe 1820-23; date of commission as Second Lieutenant 


shared in the prize-money on the capture of Bhartpur by 
Lord Combermere in January 1827. But he paid for his 
good luck by a long illness, and during the next two years 
he was constantly on sick-leave, most of which he spent as 
Brian's guest in Nepal. 1 Brian nursed him back to health 
again, but William's constitution seems to have been 
permanently undermined, and his subsequent life in India 
was a struggle against ill-health broken by intervals of 
good service. Brian had ample room for the invalid in 
his official abode as Assistant Resident a pleasant two- 
storied villa in the Indo-Italian style with a handsome 
pillared portico, shaded by trees, and surrounded by a 
garden and park. 

In 1829 the Honourable Edward Gardner resigned the 
service, and Hodgson became Acting Resident in Nepal. 
" My superior in office here," he wrote to his sister Fanny 
on April 23rd, 1829, "left this Residency March 1st, since 
which time I have been chargt cF affaires, and they tell me 
I shall soon be confirmed in the exalted post in which 
I now only officiate. I am a great man, with a great 
house and great establishment, and, what is far better, 
possessed of a high and honourable charge. Whether all 
this is to last or not will depend on the Governor-General. 
Our dearest mama bids me come home, but how can I 
leave my present glorious prospect of confirmation as 
Resident in full ? And even were that prospect suddenly 
overcast, alas I have not the means to visit England. 
William, if he be careful, may do so in five or six years, 
and without injuring his advancement." 

June 6th, 1823; Lieutenant, September 28th, 1827 ; Captain, June 6th, 
1838; Major, G. O., June nth, 1838 ; died at Mhow, June I2th, 1838. 
India Office Records. 

1 Leave for six months to Nepal on sick certificate, G. O., March 5th, 
1827 ; extended for four months on sick certificate, G. O., November 
29th, 1827 ; leave extended for twelve months in Nepal on sick certifi- 
cate (which cancels his last extension), G. O., December 8th, 1827 ; 
and again extended for three months to rejoin, G. O., November 
1828. India Office Records. 


The truth is that his youngest brother, Edward Legh 
Hodgson, had this year (1829) to be started at Haileybury, 
and the demands upon Brian's purse more than consumed 
his income. 

As the correspondence goes on, Hodgson keenly feels 
that he is becoming more and more of a brother in the 
abstract to the charming sister now blossoming into 
womanhood. He envies the warmer relationship between 
the younger members of the family. "Trust me, sweet 
Fan," he writes on September 22nd, 1829, "there lives not 
a person, not even ' Darling Will, 1 who loves you more 
than I do." He thanks her for her lively letter and hopes 
she is as cheerful in actual life. " Sure I am that that 
eternal sunshine of the mind which makes us prized and 
cherished wherever we go is tb' best gift of Heaven when 
it is constitutional, and one which it is our first duty to 
strive to possess ourselves of, if we are not naturally 
endowed with it. By this, however, I do not mean the 
shining with a glaring lustre in large parties, but the 
shedding the ' useful light ' of cheerfulness round the little 
circles in which we ordinarily dwell. The former is entirely 
a vulgar merit, but the latter, the crown of manhood, and 
yet more, of womanhood." 

Hodgson's letters disclose the difficulty (felt by how 
many a " big brother " in India !) of readjusting their tone, 
which was once suitable to the little girl whom he had 
known and loved, but who had now grown into a young 
woman. She seems to have felt it also, and to have let 
him know that she did. By this time Hodgson had moved 
into the Residency, where he kept an open table for his 
assistant and the officer of his escort the " two guests " 
referred to in the following letter, dated May 7th, 1830: 

" MY DEAREST FAN, I owe you two letters, and must 
endeavour to pay them by one long if not agreeable one. 
You seem vexed at me for still, as you deem, considering 
you and writing to you as a child. You are utterly 


mistaken, my dear sister. I entertain no such notion of 
you, but, on the contrary, am thrice proud of your sense, 
talents, and accomplishments ; and as for my letters to you, 
good lack, what is there for me to talk of? This is the 
veriest retreat in the world, and, without change of scene, 
event, or character, I live on in it, as from day to day, so 
from year to year. 

" What shall I say to a mercurial, accomplished girl of 
your age unless I draw upon my imagination for topics ? 
Shall I be content to tell you that I usually, at this season 
when the mornings are cold and foggy, rise at eight o'clock, 
go to breakfast at nine, get up from the breakfast-table at 
ten? Then, alas! indite a public letter to Government 
acquainting the Right Honourable the Governor-General 
of the continued disposition of the Court of Kathmandu 
to maintain the relations of amity and concord for some 
time past so happily established. Or turn over some of 
my heaps of raw materials for the future investigation of 
the manners and institutions of the Nepalese, and sigh to 
see how far from sufficient for the object in view those 
materials still are, after ten years of search. Or mount 
my horse and follow the strenuous idleness of woodcock- 
shooting ; or take up my Cuvier and seek in him how to 
dispose some of my now numerous and valuable ornitho- 
logical specimens ; or pore over some book taking a general 
and scientific view of the subject of law more for edification, 
in this last instance, than pleasure. 

" Thus, one way or other, I more or less rationally con- 
sume the hours till about four o'clock, when, if I have not 
been shooting, I put my hat on head, take my stick in 
hand, and stroll forth, the very model of a country gentle- 
man, to look at my garden, my grounds, or my farmyard. 
At six, home to dress for dinner, which is served at half- 
past six o'clock. Eating and drinking and chat, or billiards 
or backgammon, till nine, when my two guests retire and 
I draw my chair to the fireside, and, taking up the last 
work that has reached me from my bookseller in Cornhill, 


read and meditate till midnight, or haply till one o'clock. 
Then to bed, and so ends the day. 

"Then for the variations. Say, I indite no solemn 
trifling about amity and concord to the Governor-General, 
but have some heroic tale to tell how Gopi Mohan Das, a 
Nepalese, crossed the frontier, seized and carried off into 
this territory from under the shadow of the Company's 
wing, Deo Datt, Bengali ; said Deo Datt having five years 
before bought some timber of said Gopi Mohan, and 
perseveringly excused himself from paying for the same. 

" Or perchance (as has this very hour occurred) the 
Court scribe comes to me and explains how a Captain So- 
and-so, the Company's public agcnl for supply of timber,, 
won't settle his amounts with one Girdhari Choudry, a 
Nepalese timber merchant. Meanwhile, in all probability, 
the said Captain has already paid and settled all that was 
and is due to said Choudry ; and, moreover, has had the 
unheard-of effrontery and cruelty to bid said Choudry 
produce his books before a set of arbitrators of both 
nations, in order that these books and those of the Captain 
may show how matters stand between the litigants. 

" Say, I go not a-woodcock-shooting because birds arc 
sadly scarce and the toil too great for the spoil, why then 
if I must ramble, and 'tis too fine weather to sit at home, 
I am off to some grassy bank with my comrades and a 
basket of prog, and we three dream away the day in 
Jacques' style. Or haply I go alone, for my companions 
are no antiquaries, and explore some old Buddhist temple 
and muse and meditate, like the famous Roman amid the 
Ruins, upon the changes and chances of this mutable 
world. Here are before me the traces of a creed which 
once divided with Brahmanism the minds of the Hindus, 
but of which no visible trace, nay, not even an intelligible 
legend, remains in all the vast continent of India ! 

" The end of my paper ! Why then it is time to let you 
know that, as the Governor-General lately passed up the 
country, he stayed three days with the D'Oylys, and that 


excellent woman Lady D. (for mama says I must not 
call her Eliza) attacked the great man upon his usage of 
me, making me do the Resident's work and giving me 
only half the pay. The Right Honourable the Governor- 
General said I was a proper person enough, and applauded 
the talent manifested in a recent report made by me, and 
added what a thousand pities it was I was so very young. 
There, Mistress Fanny, you see you are not the only body 
in the world who has reason to be wrathful because some 
folks will have it that he or she has not come to years of 
discretion ! The truth is that these are saving times, and 
the Governor-General the prince of political economists. 
And verily, if he does not supersede me, he will keep 
me chargt d'affaires for another year for the sake of the 

" He showed my said report to the Lord Bishop, and 
the Church joined the State in applauses : as the Church 
told Lady D'Oyly (for the Church too is migratory in 
India) when recently said Church personified, alias the 
Bishop, passed Patna on his or its way down to Calcutta. 
Yet I get only half-pay, and am beginning now and then 
to con over FalstafFs apostrophe to Honour ! And yet I 
am well and happy, and, but for our dear parents, have 
enough and to spare. 

" And now, having got the advantage over you in pro- 
spect, by the inditement of this so long and charming 
epistle, I have a great mind to have my scold too, in 
return for yours. 

" Tell me, Fan, how is it that your letters to William 
come so much more from the heart than those to me? It 
is like soul to one and the body to the other : and cousin 
Mary too can write to dearest William ! And sister Fan 
and cousin Mary can finally and decisively settle that one 
brother is a dear, frolicsome, spirited fellow, fit to fill 
woman's eye and heart, whilst the other is the most perfect 
of beings that is the greatest bore, simply ! 

" So long as I lived in the world I was, by all men's 


voice, a ' lady's man, 1 and truly I feel not that I am altered, 
albeit I have not seen the fringe of a petticoat for eight 
years, and therefore dare not speak positively. But then 
I am, I must be, a bookworm ! Books I love ! But are 
they all grave books? and does my love of books make 
me less bold a rider, less keen and good a shot, less able at 
billiards, cricket, quoits ? Perhaps the whole secret of the 
misapprehensions is, that you and Will remember each 
other perfectly, you and 1 most imperfectly. 

" Alas, alas, and as for letters, consider what a different 
condition I stand in to that of William in respect to the 
letters I must write and receive from our dearest parents. 
I must talk and feel gravely when 1 take up the pen, and 
so must they. Nor can it be otherwise until, with God's 
blessing, I have been enabled ;o -take off entirely the load 
that has ever pressed on them since my reason and memory 
dawned a day of liberation for them, how ardently longed 
for by me, and surely now not far off ! 

" Thus it is that you have come to imagine me to 
yourself as a most grave and reverend senior brother, who 
could not even sympathise heartily with a sister because 
she was a woman. Dearest Fanny, you do me grievous 
wrong by such imaginings. For wise or foolish in what- 
ever degree, I have ever worshipped woman, and have ever 
held her to be worthy the worship of the highest and 
greatest of our sex. 

" And now I must conclude. William has lately taken 
a trip to the Western Hills, and has come back to Meerut 
in perfect health and spirits. A thousand thanks for your 
pretty little present, which I kiss for thy sake now at this 
moment as I hold it in my hand. God bless thee, dearest, 
and think of me no longer as the ' most perfect of human 
beings, 1 but as a most affectionate brother merely, and one 
whom nature made of so gay a temperament that even all 
our domestic woes have not turned me serious. I never 
peeped into Trophonius' cave, and never mean to do till 
you cease to love me." 


Hodgson's hope of being appointed full Resident in 
Nepal was not immediately realised. He held the officiat- 
ing appointment for two years after Gardner's retirement 
in 1829, but the Governor-General very properly thought 
him too young for the permanent responsibility of so 
involved and important a position. So in 1831 T. Herbert 
Maddock (afterwards Sir Herbert) was sent to Kathmandu. 
Haddock was four years senior to Hodgson and had 
recently held high political offices in the Native States, 
including perhaps the most important of all the Residency 
in Oudh. He soon satisfied himself that Hodgson, young 
though he was, might be entrusted with the management 
of the Nepalese Court, and he seems to have impressed this 
view on the Governor-General. 

Indeed Hodgson's work and reports had by that time 
attracted high praise, not only at headquarters in Calcutta, 
but also from the Court of Directors in London. Accord- 
ingly, when Maddock took furlough in 1833, Lord William 
Bentinck appointed Hodgson, having just completed his 
fourteenth year of service, to be Resident in Nepal. 
Maddock carried away from Kathmandu a fixed opinion 
as to Hodgson's sterling qualities which made him a friend 
for life, and enabled him to speak with conviction in the 
final crisis of Hodgson's career. 

The income of the Resident was ^4,000 a year. But 
Hodgson, abstemious in his personal habits, had borrowed 
sums to send home, and still owed money to his banker. 
His one ambition in life was to free his parents from 
the burden of debt "that had ever pressed on them 
since his reason and memory dawned." He also spent 
considerable amounts on the purchase and copying of 
Buddhist or Sanskrit manuscripts, and the preparation of 
zoological specimens, which he presented in a munificent 
spirit to the Asiatic and other learned or scientific Societies. 
But if his public and private liberality prevented him 
from saving, it richly rewarded him in the way most 
congenial to his nature. By this time, as we shall 


see in subsequent chapters, he was beginning to be 
recognised in Europe as a man of unique research into 
the languages, religion, and zoology of the Himalayan 
regions. He had also the happiness of aiding to set 
forth his youngest brother on his start in life as a Bengal 
civilian in 1831-2, and of again receiving his soldier 
brother William as his guest at Kathmandu. William 
had a return of ill-health in 1831,* and spent another 
whole year with Brian. 

But the sense of isolation becomes more intense as the 
years roll on. In 1833 he writes to his sister : " I am, and 
long have been, secluded from society, without wife, child, 
or any other object of affection." He is afraid of " petrify- 
ing within," and begs for less respect and a warmer love. 
At the same time he feels the stern pleasures of re- 
sponsibility and work. Here are a few paragraphs 
from a letter to " my dearest Fan," dated October 22nd, 


" I am thirty-three the last thirteen years passed in 
the wilderness without wife, children, or the presence of 
a female. No change, no society ! What think you I 
am likely then to be? Something, at least, sweet Fan, 
standing in need of more of your affection than I have 
yet experienced. So entirely are we strangers to each 
other's habits and occupations, that I feel the awkwardness 
of a stranger in attempting to interest you in what con- 
cerns me, and in asking you to repay me in kind. Alas ! 
this should not be, should not have been. To William 
you are a constant and garrulous correspondent, and yet 
William loves you not better than I do, and stands far 
less in need of feminine affection. I think I shall begin 
a Diary, and send it you from time to time through my 
London bookseller. 

" I am, and have been since February, Resic 

1 Granted leave to visit Kathmandu on sick 
months, G. O., March 5th, 1831 ; extended for fo 
G. O., November 4th, 1831. India Office Records. 


at this Court, the only independent l one now left in India. 
Sufficient honour for thirty-three! But my situation is 
by no means so agreeable as it might be if these bar- 
barians did but know their own good. Instead of which 
they are insolent and hostile, and play off on us, as far 
as they can and dare, the Chinese etiquette and foreign 
polity. The Celestial Emperor is their idol, and, by 
the way, whilst I write, the [Nepalese] sovereign himself 
is passing by the Residency in all royal pomp to go three 
miles in order to receive a letter which has just reached 
Nepal from Pekin. There they go! Fifty chiefs on 
horseback, royalty and royalty's advisers on eight ele- 
phants, and three thousand troops before and behind the 
cavalcade ! They have reached the spot. The Emperor's 
letter, enclosed in a cylinder covered with brocade, hangs 
round the neck of a chief ; the Prince descends from his 
elephant to take the epistle, a royal salute is fired, the 
letter is restored to the chief, who, mounted on a spare 
elephant, is placed at the head of the cavalcade, and the 
cortege sweeps back to the capital. 

" Shall I tell you how I spend a day ? Breakfast at 
ten, business till two. Then luncheon, after which I read 
till five. From five to seven drive or ride out, dinner at 
eight, chat with the gentlemen 2 till ten, and read again 
till .twelve or one, my bedtime. The roads are not very 
carrossable, but well suited for riding at all seasons, and 
I am a cheerful and bold cavalier. The valley, about 
sixteen miles long and broad, is beautiful except in winter. 
At present it presents an unbroken sheet of golden rice, 
just ready for the sickle. When the major part of the 
crop is down there being excellent quail-shooting in the 
standing patches but for the consciousness of doing 
wrong by injuring the poor peasant, I should enjoy the 
amusement. That feeling has latterly made me give up 

1 As distinguished from the feudatory States. 

* His staff, consisting of his assistant, the officer in command of his 
escort, and his surgeon. 


shooting in the crops, and I shall this year confine myself 
to the woods, wherein pheasants and woodcocks may be 
found. The wood-shooting lasts from November till 
March, and during that time one may be abroad all day 
without fear of the solar beam. 

" At other seasons I read and read and read, and love 
nothing so well as my books. Yet have I a fund of con- 
stitutional gaiety and feeling ; only there is no one to draw 
upon it ! 

"Zoology in the branches of birds and quadrupeds 
amuses me much. I have three native artists always 
employed in drawing from nature. I possess a live tiger, 
a wild sheep, a wild goat, four bears, three civets, and 
three score of our beautiful pheasants. A rare menagerie ! 
And my drawings now to two thousand. The 
antiquities, too, of the land afford me much entertainment. 
I pore over the pictorial, sculptural, and architectural 
monuments of Buddhism by the light of the ancient books 
of the sect ; and the learned Thcbans of your isle appear 
to gather up my gleanings with eagerness. But the past 
chiefly interests me as it can be made to illustrate the 
present the origin, genius, character, and attainments of 
the people. 

" I have published a good deal already in the Asiatic 
Society's Transactions of London and of Calcutta. In the 
Journal des Savans there is a review of my sketch of 
Buddhism by a famous scholar of Germany, in which I 
am given all sorts of laudation and placed at the head 
of all who have treated the subject. I sent home for 
you my diploma as Ambassador, and also the Court of 
Directors 1 public thanks for my papers researching into 
the institutions, laws, and resources of this kingdom. 

"William has been ill again, but is now well in the 
Western Hills. He will be down soon and meet Edward 
at Meerut. Edward is well and strong, and his promise 
as good as you could wish. He has reached Meerut, and 
commenced his public career. The Governor-General's 


private secretary, who was very kind to him at Calcutta, 
speaks most highly of him. The D'Oylys have returned 
from the Cape, and are now at Calcutta. He has been 
very ill, and I fear is but a bad life. She is all that I 
desire to honour and love. 

" Dearest, I have just got your letter of May 2nd. 
Heaven bless you and make you thrice happy in your 
marriage. Give my love to Pierre, 1 and make him write 
with you to me. . . . God bless you. With fondest love to 
all, believe me, sweet Fan, thine affectionate 


If I quote from more than one letter the routine of his 
daily life, it is in order that the reader may realise the 
gentle monotony which pervaded his whole twenty years 
in Nepal. 

In 1834 his brother William had another breakdown in 
health, and Brian determined to give him a more complete 
change of climate than could be obtained in Nepal. A 
subaltern of artillery who was an invalid during more than 
half his service formed a heavy drain on the fraternal purse. 
" I mean to send him to the Cape," Brian writes to Fanny 
on September I5th, 1834, "where he will draw his full 
pay, save money if he pleases, and enjoy a fine climate. 
Eighteen months hence I can recommend him to come 
here and command my escort in the room of Captain 
Robinson, who will then retire. 

" I am now sojourning at a caravansery on the summit 
of the ridge of mountains limiting the valley to the east. 
The spot is about one thousand feet above the valley, and 
enjoys a much cooler and more bracing temperature, which, 
I am sorry to say, is but too needful for me just now. 
During all August I suffered from liver, and am still com- 
plaining, though better. Send me a particular account of 
your new [married] establishment and mode of life. With- 

1 Her husband, Baron Pierre Nahuys, afterwards Governor of 


out such minute touches continually renewed, our great 
distance gradually renders everything indistinct. 

"My society is unchanging and limited to my suite 
a secretary, commander of escort, and surgeon, all very 
pleasant folks in their various ways. The first is a brother- 
civilian, young, sceptical, and gay. The second, a worthy 
captain of foot, selfish but discreet, and whose scientific 
pursuits form an odd contrast to the plain and unformed 
character of his mind in other respects. He has a charm- 
ing temper, the continual sunshine of which is worth all 
the intellectual gifts of fifty abler persons. The doctor 
is about my own age, and is sensible, spirited, and amiable. 

" After breakfast I discharge my official duties, which, 
though responsible, are not onerous, and then read. My 
favourite amusements of the sedentary kind are researches 
into the origin, genius, and attainments of the various 
singular races of men inhabiting Nepal. Its birds and 
quadrupeds likewise agreeably diversify my easier hours of 
study. After lunch, billiards for an hour, and then reading 
till eventide, when I exercise on horseback or in vehicle. 
After dinner, chat only, eked out from books no cards, 
our society being too limited and peculiarly connected for 

" In the six colder months I follow the woodcock and 
pheasant with all the energy of a Nimrod, and I always 
deeply relish the sweet air and noble scenery of this fine 
region. Upon the whole my life, though monotonous, flags 
not, nor is liable to tedium, and with good health I should 
not envy the Monarch of Great Britain. In about six or 
seven years I hope to rejoin you, with the aid of my 
pension and my slender savings in prospect ; for still I 
am in debt. God bless you and your husband. Your 
most affectionate brother, 

" B. H. HODGSON." 

Next year, 1835, brought a great sorrow to Hodgson. 
His brother Edward, the young civilian, whom he described 



a few months before as " well and merry at Meerut," died. 
The poor lad, like Brian a keen sportsman, caught a fatal 
fever from snipe-shooting in the swamps. Like Brian 
also, he had distinguished himself at Haileybury, carrying 
away six prizes in Arabic, Hindustani, and Bengali. He 
ended his brief Indian career in his very first appointment 
as Assistant Commissioner at Meerut, in July 1835.* Brian, 
after breaking the news to his father, tried to comfort his 
sister in their common bereavement. 

" MY OWN DEAR FANNY, 2 How I sympathise with your 
regrets for young Edward the last and so recently known 
and seen of your brothers ! But do not mourn unduly. 
Happy, thrice happy they who quit this troubled scene 
ere the bloom of their virtuous feelings has been rubbed 
off ! Poor boy, he dreamed not of fatal consequences, and 
of course left no will. The Registrar of the King's Court will 
administer : his debts will become mine ; and I have taken 
measures to secure the possession of whatever may serve 
to remind us of him, such as his prize books, trinkets, etc. 

" Already had he given evidence of such talents and 
dispositions as made his immediate superiors forward to 
employ and advance him. In his private capacity he had 
won so much respect from the society of Meerut that all 
the station combined to honour his remains. Let these 
things be your consolation. 

" I write to you from a cottage on one of the boundary 
ridges of the valley, built for my convenience by the Court, 
which is growing very civil and courteous. The cottage 
is a pretty domicile, though small, and commands a double 
view of the valleys of Nepal proper and of Nayakot, to 
the east and west respectively. The elevation is 2,500 
feet above the former, 3,500 above the latter, and 7,000 

1 His short service is thus summed up in the India Office MS. 
Records: Edward Legh Hodgson, 1832, arrived September 22nd as 
writer ; 1 833, Assistant to Commissioner of Revenue and Circuit, Meerut 
Division ; died July 3rd, 1835, at Meerut. 

1 August 1st, 1835. 


higher than the sea-level, as indicated by the boiling of 
water at 199 of Fahrenheit's thermometer, as well as by 
the barometer. At present the foggy or rather misty 
drizzle is inconvenient, but the temperature is charming 
5 being the maximum heat. 

"There is not much level space, but the undulations 
of the hiirs summit arc graceful, and covered by superb 
forest of rhododendron, oak, and numberless Laurifolias. 
The sward is an emerald, and the familiar tokens it displays 
of England in its daisies, fern, thistle, and colewort, are 
dear to the exile ! Parallel with the course of the ridge, 
one r.m walk and ride a native pony with case and pleasure. 
But there is no transverse development of flat ground ; and 
in the direction of either valley, a lusty bound from the 
door might carry you a good w;.y -towards either ! 

" I am felling, and digging, and sowing potatoes and 
oats yea, with my own proper hand. Somewhat to the 
admiration of the Court gentry, who, however, have very 
little of the pompous inanity of Asiatic high-breeding 
about them, and, I believe, value me the more for my 
simple habits. The air and exercise do me good, nor 
have I for five years been so well at this season as I am 
now ! I want William and his little wife to join me, 1 and 
think I shall be able to effect this object in December. 
He will command my bodyguard of two hundred soldiers, 
and his wife may perhaps help to wean me from some bad 
bachelor habits. William i.s now at Patna preparing to 
wed, and if he join me, he will stay there till the cessa- 
tion of the malaria at the foot of the hills allows him 
to come up. 

"Marriage will make him more careful of his health. 
As he is now near thirty, it is well that it should be so ; 
especially since seclusion has, I suspect, fixed my proud 
and shy natural character against incurring the hazards 

1 A project never to be realised, and probably in the state of public 
feeling in Nepal at that time regarding "a white-faced woman" not 
possible of realisation. See post, p. 86, footnote. 


of possible rejection. I have cherished in my solitude 
by means of literature quick sensibilities, whilst I have 
lost the aptitude of indulging them, except speculatively 
and in reference to my beloved home. Thou, dearest Fan, 
shalt preside over my table, if it be God's pleasure that 
we meet again in England. God bless you, dearest" 

Hodgson had now for some years been established in 
the Residency, and his love of gardening did much to 
beautify its surroundings. It was a spacious, indeed an 
imposing, edifice in that Indo-Gothic style which has 
grown up in spite of some ridicule in Bengal, and of which 
perhaps the best-known examples are the Cathedral and 
the High Court at Calcutta. He delighted in the thought 
that it afforded ample room for him to make a home for 
his brother and newly wedded wife, and for any family 
which might come to the couple. A steady income of 
4,000 a year enabled him not only to provide new 
comforts for his parents in England, but to pay off the 
debts which he had previously incurred for that purpose. 

The staff of native copyists and draughtsmen whom 
he employed to copy Buddhist manuscripts and to draw 
his collection of Himalayan birds and mammals now 
ceased to be felt in his annual expenses. For the aggregate 
pay of a dozen such assistants did not much exceed 
Rs. 3,000 (300) a year, less than his salary for a month. 
Honours, too, began to rain upon him. The Royal Asiatic 
Society and the Linnean Society in England elected him 
to their bodies with flattering expressions of regard. The 
Zoological Society of London sent him their diploma as a 
corresponding member. The Socit Asiatique de Paris 
and the Museum d'Histoire Naturelle paid him high 
distinction. Scholars and naturalists of worldwide fame 
sought a correspondence with him : Csoma de Koros, 
Burnouf, Jacquct, Mohl, Prinsep, S. Wilkinson, [Lord] 

By the middle of 1837, he had got together the materials. 


for a great illustrated work on the Birds and Mammals 
of Nepal. The Museum d'Histoire Naturelle de Paris and 
other learned bodies came forward as supporters, three 
hundred and thirty subscribers were already registered in 
India, and in July 1837 he was able to write to his father 
that the means of publication were secured " I make sure 
of three hundred and fifty to four hundred subscribers, and 
if we say 10 per copy of the work, this list should cover 
all expenses. Granted my first drawings were stiff and 
bad, but the new series may challenge comparison with 
any in existence." In another letter, with his usual 
generosity, he makes over the property in the book to his 
father. All he required was an assistant in England to 
catalogue his birds, and carry out some technical details, 
for which ";ioo shall be forth'- oming." He would thus 
be enabled to go on without interruption with his Zoology 
of Nepal, to which he hoped to put the finishing touches 
by 1840. 

Hodgson's official work at this time acquired an un- 
wonted importance from factious struggles among the 
Gurkha chiefs, and from the palace intrigues of the royal 
family destined soon to end in revolution. The Governor- 
General began to fix an anxious eye on his Nepalese 
neighbour who had already cost the British two hard- 
fought campaigns. Hodgson noted the signs of the 
gathering storm, and found himself unexpectedly a person- 
age of importance in the great game of Indian politics. 

I advert for a moment to these public and literary 
aspects of his work, as they throw a side-light on his inner 
life, which forms the sole subject of this chapter. He had 
never been so busy or in such good health, and in April 
1837 he was able at last to write to his sister that he had 
got rid of his debts. " I am beginning to save a little 
money! But I must pay Rs. 50,000 to get the pen- 
sion, 1 and I am not worth half that sum now. So if I 

1 Of ji|000 a year after twenty-five years' service. Then as now, 
the Indian Government contributed only a portion (now not exceeding 


must wait till I amass a few pounds of my own beyond 
the pension, I shall hardly be able to leave India in 1840, 
as I purpose doing if I can." He had hoped to take leave 
for three years to England in 1840, and then resign at the 
end of his furlough in 1843, when he should have com- 
pleted his twenty-five years of service. 

Moreover a new source of happiness had come into 
Hodgson's life. He had formed a domestic connection 
with a Musalman lady which, although not amounting 
to marriage in the legal sense, was strictly observed as 
such by both parties as long as she lived, and extended 
over twenty years. No Englishwoman was allowed to 
reside in Nepal, then considered a dangerous outpost of 
British diplomacy. 1 Of Hodgson's domestic relations at 
this period I shall only say that he communicated them 
frankly to his own family, and watched with a father's care 
over his children, who were brought up by his sister in 
Holland with all the advantages to which his position 
entitled them. They formed a well-spring of comfort in 
his heretofore solitary existence, and their early deaths 
were a deep sorrow to him. It is characteristic of him 
that there was no concealment on the subject either at the 
time or when he subsequently married, and it would have 
been his wish that I should deal with the matter in the 
same candid spirit. 

The year 1837, which found him in good health, free 
from debt, in the enjoyment of scholarly fame and high 

;6oo a year) of a civilian's pension. Each officer has to pay up the 
equivalent of the remaining ,400 ; usually much more. In some cases 
a Bengal civilian's contributions from his pay exceeded, and still 
exceed, the whole actuarial value of his pension of .1,000. 

1 Even as late as 1843, on Sir Henry Lawrence being appointed 
Resident in Nepal, "there were 'many fears and misgivings that he 
might not be allowed to take his wife to a country where no white- 
faced woman had ever been seen ' ; for as in China so in Nepal there 
was a tradition that ' the introduction of a foreign woman would be 
the downfall of their empire.' " Mrs. Lawrence's Journal, quoted in 
Sir Herbert Edwardes' Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Vol. I. f p. 449. 
Ed. 1872. 


official distinction, was destined to end in a sickness which 
seemed unto death. His old malady returned in an aggra- 
vated form, and forced him to seek the specialist aid 
which could only be obtained in Calcutta. Flight from 
India and a sea voyage again appeared his only chance. 
But a crisis took place, apparently caused by the bursting 
of a tumour in the liver, and he once more rallied. In 
March 1838 he was ible to return to Nepal. In April he 
writes to his mother that he is so much stronger "that 
I hope I shall CT long shake off the last dregs of my 
obstinate disease." 

His recovery perhaps saved the East India Company a 
war with Nepal. We shall afterwards sec with what a cool 
head and firm hand he steered his course through the next 
five years of palace intrigues anH fits of turbulent insolence 
towards the British Power. His strength and spirits rose 
with each new danger, and in December 1 839 he assures 
his sister of his rc-cstablishcd health. " I am grown pru- 
dent and money-making," he adds, " though somewhat late 
in the day. My children are well, and make my heart glad 
and soft amid all the rough obstructions of life." 

Part of Hodgson's influence with the Nepal chiefs was 
due to the extraordinary reputation which he acquired at 
this time as a man of ascetic life, deeply versed in divine 
things. His Buddhistic learning won the friendship of 
their Tibetan over-lord, the Grand Lama himself. His 
unwearied search after Sanskrit manuscripts and his tran- 
scriptions of Hindu texts endeared him to the pandits 
about the Nepal Court. Always an abstemious man, he 
became after his severe illness in 1837 almost a Brahman 
in regard to food and drink. In 1839 he wrote to his 
sister, " I touch not meats or wines, and find the Indian 
habits of food well suited to the climate." By his strictly 
vegetarian diet he acquired the sobriquet of " The Hermit 
of the Himalayas/ 1 and a sanctity in the eyes of the 
Nepalesc only equalled by that which Csoma de Koros 
gained in the snowed-up monastic cells of Tibet. 


But the year 1838, while it saw him on the road to 
renewed health and increased usefulness, brought the 
second great sorrow of his life. His brother William had 
been transferred to the Horse Artillery in I83S, 1 and 
Brian hoped, as we have seen, to obtain for him the com- 
mand of his escort as Resident in Nepal. These fraternal 
plans were cut short by the renewed illness of Captain 
Hodgson, who reached his Majority on June nth, 1838, 
after only fourteen years' service. 2 It was an empty pro- 
motion. He died on the very next day at Mhow, June 
1 2th, 1838, and his young widow went home to England 
very desolate. She had buried her infant a few months 

So the two younger brothers passed away, full of youth- 
ful promise, and Brian was left as the sole surviving son. 
He had during nearly twenty years been the mainstay 
of the Canterbury home, and he now devoted the whole 
powers of his gentle and chivalrous nature to comfort his 
bereaved parents. Brian could give them the satisfaction 
of knowing that both his brothers were cared for in their 
last hours by his friend [Sir] Robert Hamilton. He had 
soon to calm his mother's anxieties for his own safety 
amid the crisis in Nepal brought on by the Kabul war. 

Throughout that expedition, and after the annihilation 
of the British army with which it closed, his position was 
one of extreme peril. Indeed at certain junctures it seemed 
as if the best that could be hoped for the Nepalese Resident 
was that he would not get murdered until it became 
convenient to the Indian Government to avenge his death. 
His letters home ridicule the idea of personal danger. It 
is doubtful whether he himself ever gave it a thought, 
although " the force " to which he refers lay too far off 
within our own provinces to be any safeguard against a 
massacre at the Residency in Nepal. He makes the whole 
situation appear to his parents as merely an occasion for 

1 General Order dated May 22nd, 183$. 
* General Order dated June nth, 1838. 


pleasant things being said of him by the authorities in 

"My dearest Mother," he wrote in 1840, "don't let the 
nonsense of the papers alarm you. Tis all stuff and ever 
has been. Before, I was unarmed as it were ; whereas I 
have now a force close at hand consisting of five regiments, 
with guns, etc." He then quotes from some letters which 
he had just received. " I cordially congratulate you," 
the Secretary of the Government had lately written to him, 
" on your important successes. The credit will remain with 
you in Indian history." " You have been placed in a situa- 
tion very delicate and trying," wrote our Resident with the 
neighbouring King of Oudh, "and you have done your 
work with wisdom, neive, and promptitude." 

And so on throughout those tjying years, the tone in 
his letters growing more and more reassuring in regard to 
himself, as our blunders in Afghanistan culminated towards 
the extermination of a British army in the snows. 

" My dearest Father," he writes in 1841, " I have just got 
my mother's welcome letter of January, and truly rejoice 
to hear from such dear lips the echo of the public applauses 
you speak of, and of which I have received yet more since 
then. I have had another negotiation, another struggle, 
another victory. Yet all is unsettled, and my ambition is 
bounded just now to keeping things anyhow together until 
the return of the season of action in November, when I 
sadly fear it will be indispensable to inflict the long-merited 
and long-provoked punishment. 

" 1 have now temporised successfully for three eventful 
years during which Government's hands were full, as they 
are, alas ! still. Alack, alack, all is going wrong again in 
and beyond the Punjab. The Sikhs in anarchic rebellion, 
Kandahar afresh disturbed, and the Persians moving on 
Herat which the virtual ruler there has tendered to them, 
having expelled our Envoy and caused him to flee. All 
these untoward -events are glad tidings to the insolent and 
restless faction of our Rani or Queen of Nepal, who is my 



great opponent, and only effective one indeed, the Raja 
being but a poltroon who fights behind her petticoat 
Enough of politics, however. As for personals, I am pretty 
well and gradually growing stronger since the attack of 
1837, but after all a poor creature as to health, though I 
live the life of a literal hermit. You must remember, 
however, that I never was strong, and therefore have no 
right to expect to be so now. 

" My boy and girl are well and growing up fast. I must 
send them to school in the Western Hills ere long, unless 
you will take charge of them, but I may not put you to 
that trouble. It is long since you told me aught of the 
Cheshire folks, or of my boyhood friends C. Hutton, 
J. Davenport, the Nassaus, etc. My tenderest love to 
Fanny and Ellen, and to my mother, to whom I am sending 
a pair of shawls. Your ever affectionate son, 


The final catastrophe in Afghanistan arrived, and on 
February 28th, 1842, Lord Auckland made over the 
Governor-Generalship of India to the Earl of Ellcnborough. 
Hodgson had, as we saw, wished to take furlough in 1840, 
with a view to retiring from the service on the completion 
of his covenanted period of twenty-five years in 1843. 
But the critical situation in Nepal rendered it impossible 
that he should be spared. Indeed, on the approach of the 
dangers which our Afghan policy brought about, from 
1840 onward to the annihilation of our army in 1842, 
Hodgson gave up any idea of quitting his post. Until 
March 1842 everything seemed to promise him an 
honoured close to his career. But the new Governor- 
General, Lord Ellenborough, came out with a strong 1 
predisposition against the measures and the men of his 
predecessor. It will be necessary, in the chapter dealing 
with Hodgson's public career, to refer fully to Lord 
Ellenborough's action in regard to Nepal. It must there- 
fore suffice to say that Hodgson, like other trusted agents 


of Lord Auckland, speedily found his position slipping 
from under his feet. 

" My dearest Fan," he wrote l to his sister not five months 
after he had received the public and private thanks of 
Lord Auckland for the masterly firmness with which he 
had tided Nepal over the crisis, " I am ashamed of having 
neglected you so much. But, dearest, I have been over- 
whelmed in a sea of troubles political, owing to the 
misapprehension of the new head of my Government, as 
well as to the knavery of this State. I am still struggling 
and striving, and heartily hope I shall be able to open the 
new Governor-General's eyes in time to prevent mischief 
to the public interests, owing to his promptness going 
too far ahead of his necessarily limited knowledge. I 
cannot say more, intelligibly n^evcn properly, but may 
add that for a month past I have been deprived of my 
secretary, whom I found it expedient to send to the 
Governor-General in lieu of .self, when feeble health inca- 
pacitated me for such a journey. I have therefore only 
with me my surgeon Dr. Burnley ; but he is a very 
amiable person, and I am used to small society. If I am 
disentangle myself from Nepalcse affair^ by December, I 
purpose to hasten home to our beloved parents. . . . 

u I am still ailing as usual, but better than I was last year 
or the year before at this season, and if it please God I 
shall gradually master the fierce attack of 1837. My 
children are well, and their sweet prattle and infant arts 
soften my heart and amuse my leisure. J shall take them 
home with me, for I have no idea of putting off the highest 
duties of our nature at the suggestion of mere vanity or 
convenience. I wish I could hear that you had a prattler 
or two ; but if not, by-and-by I shall borrow your help to 
train mine. All your details of your domestic establish- 
ment and visits to England interest me greatly. You can 
never be too minute on such topics, nor indeed on any that 
interest you, for detail is the soul of correspondence. I 
1 Letter dated August 2nd, 1842. 


hear from all quarters the praises of your excellent husband, 
to whom give my love, and believe me, dear Fan, your 
most affectionate brother, 

"B. H. H." 

The opening paragraph of this letter shows the good 
temper with which Hodgson endeavoured to meet the 
change in his position. But that position soon became 
untenable. Lord Ellenborough had resolved on a new 
policy towards Nepal. Before the end of Lord Ellen- 
borough's first year of office, Hodgson began sadly to 
realise that his power for usefulness had departed. "Oh 
that the Governor-General had not tied my hands!" In 
the same year his long tenure of office as Resident in Nepal 
came to a close, and in February 1844 he retired from the 
Indian Service. 

The object of this chapter has not been to record has 
official labours, or his achievements in literature or scholar- 
ship. His many-sided public labours will be dealt with 
in due course. But I have thought it right first of all to 
try to show the man apart from his work very solitary, 
perhaps unduly sensitive, of strong family affections, the 
mainstay of the distant parental home, and asking with 
a pathetic insistence, not for gratitude, but only for a little 
sisterly love. 




I RETURN now to the public aspects of his career. 
In 1824 Hodgson went back to Nepal with a heavy 
heart. 4I Sensible that by remaining there," runs one of 
his brief notes, " I might indeed aequirc a special qualifica- 
tion for the embassy, but must disqualify myself for any- 
thing elsewhere ; while owing to my youth the chance of 
obtaining, on a vacancy occurring, so desiderated a post 
as that of Minister at the Court of Nepal was next to 
nothing " he sought the counsel of an experienced friend. 
Mr. William Buttcrworth Baylcy had been one of the 
group of talented young civilians whom Lord Wcllcsley 
formed around himself (1798 1805) with a view to training 
up an Indian diplomatic service. Lord Wellcslcy not only 
reorganised the Native States on the basis of subsidiary 
alliances or Protectorates, which remains to this day ; he 
also determined to create under his own eye a school of 
officers who should perpetuate his foreign and feudatory 
policy. Some of these young " Politicals," as they were 
called, became in due time ambassadors ; others controlled 
great Native States; others, after taking part in the 
annexation of the Ceded and Conquered Provinces, were 
recalled to the higher branches of the general administration. 
Among the most distinguished of this last class was 
William Butterworth Baylcy, the only Bengal civilian who 
has ever held the position of Acting Governor-General of 
India, and also that of Chairman of the Court of Directors 


at home. It is a curious instance of the longevity of some 
Anglo-Indian families that the son 1 of Lord Wellesley's 
young Political in the first years of the century now holds, 
during its last decade, the office of chief Political Secretary 
at the India Office after an Indian service of his own 
extending over thirty-four years and ending as Lieutenant- 
Governor of Bengal. 

Mr. Butterworth Bayley was a member of the Governor- 
General's Council when Hodgson came to him for advice. 
" Having listened attentively to my statement," writes 
Hodgson, " Bayley replied : ' True, Nepal is in every sense 
peculiar, and in the present quiet times you can learn 
little there. But we have had one fierce struggle with 
Nepal, and we shall yet have another. When that event 
occurs there will be very special need for local experience. 
Go back and master the subject in all its phases, and then, 
despite your youth and the many men your seniors in 
the service who will try to get the embassy, you will have 
a fair chance of succeeding/ " 2 

1 Sir Steuart Colvin Bayley, K.C.S.I. This was written in 1895. 
Sir Steuart Bayley has since then been appointed a Member of the 
Council of the Secretary of State for India. 

Mr. William Butterworth Bayley's life, and that of his father the 
philanthropist, are given in the Dictionary of National Biography \ 
Vol. VII. As Mr. W. B. Bayley was an important influence on 
Hodgson's career, I subjoin the list of his services from the India 
arrived November 6th, as Writer; 1803, Assistant in Governor- 
General's Office and to Persian Translator; 1805, Deputy Registrar 
to Sadr Diwani and Nizamat Adalat; Assistant to Registrar and 
Translator of the same Court; 1807, Persian and Hindustani Trans- 
lator to Commissioners of Settlements in the Ceded and Conquered 
Provinces; Registrar to the Sadr Diwani and Nizamat Adalat; 
1808, Member of Committee of the General Post Office ; 1809, Judge 
and Magistrate of Dacca Jelalpur; 1810, Judge and Magistrate of 
Burdwan; 1814, Fourth Judge of Provincial Court of Appeal at 
Bareilly, afterwards at Dacca; Officiating Secretary, Revenue and 
Judicial Departments; 1815, Secretary, Revenue and Judicial Depart- 
ments; 1817, Acting Chief Secretary; 1819, Chief Secretary to Govern- 
ment ; 1820, Member of Council of the College of Fort William ; 1821, 
Member of the Presidency Records Committee ; 1822, Acting Member 

vii.] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 95 

" I did as I was advised/' adds Hodgson, and subsequent 
events fully justified Mr. Bayley's advice. Hodgson not 
only succeeded to the Residency, but his supreme know- 
ledge of Nepalese affairs enabled him to carry the interests 
of the Government of India through a crisis which, under 
less experienced guidance, must have forced on us a 
campaign. " Fortunately," writes the learned and im- 
partial historian of Nepal, "by the skilful management 
of the Resident, Mr. Hodgson, war was averted." * 

Meanwhile Hodgson, on being finally reappointed 
Assistant in 1825, discovered that the little world in which 
he wa p . to be isolated for the next nineteen years (1824 
1843) was an extremely curious one. Its three central 
figures were the Queen-Regent, the Prime Minister, and 
the British Resident : the two former, personages with 
romantic histories and strong wills of their own ; the third, 
a man of unwearied patience and tact. 

The story of the Princess Tripuri, 8 Queen-Regent of 
Nepal, reads like an Eastern talc. When Hodgson was 
reappointed Assistant Resident in 1825, she had been 
a widow for twenty-one years. Her husband a bad, 
weak, and cruel youth had " shared the fate which has 
attended every Gurkha Raja of Nepal," says the official 
narrative, 3 almost since the date of the Gurkha conquest. 

of the Supreme Council of the Governor-General; 1823, President of 
the Council of the College ol Fort William ; Member of General Com- 
mittee of Public Instruction; 1825, Head Member of the Supreme 
Council; 1828, Provisional Governor-General of India (appointed 
March i$t/i) ; President oi the Board of Trade; 1830, Vice-President 
and Deputy Governor; on furlough to Europe December 26th; 1834, 
retired from Service May ist on an annuity; 1833, elected a Director 
of the E. I. Company July 23rd ; served on the Direction till 1858 ; 
Deputy Chairman in 1839; Chairman in 1840; died May 291*1, 1860, 
at St. Leonards-on-Sea. 

1 History of Nepal \ by Daniel Wright, M.A. f M.D., p. 55 (Cambridge 
University Press, 1877). 

v Her Highness the Maharani Lalit-Tripur-Sundari Devi. 

Report dated Kathmandu, July 24th, 1837, written by Officiating 
Assistant to the Resident, Nepal (Dr. A. Campbell), under Mr. 


son of the Brahman girl, in 1816, Queen Tripuri still 
remained regent on behalf of his infant son and successor 
until her own death in 1832. 

It was this remarkable woman, faithful as a wife, politic 
and patriotic as a princess, who ruled Nepal as Queen- 
Regent during the whole period covered by the present 
chapter. The actual government was in the hands of the 
Prime Minister, Bhim Sen the most famous of the line 
of soldier-statesmen who have de facto governed Nepal 
from the Gurkha conquest in I768 1 to Sir Jang Bahadur 
in our own times. Bhim Sen, while still a youth, had 
followed the exiled king and Queen Tripuri into their 
exile at Benares, and had helped in the short-lived restora- 
tion of his royal master. On the assassination of the latter 
in 1804, Bhim Sen became Prime Minister, and retained 
the office with an iron grip for thirty years, until it came 
to his turn to perish miserably in 1839. 

The secret of his long rule was that he thoroughly under- 
stood both the fears and the aspirations of the military 
tribes of Nepal. The fear of these brave mountaineers 
was the establishment of a British ascendency ; their 
aspiration was to extend their conquests at the expense 
of our Indian frontier. To the British he appeared to be 
a " vigorous, ambitious, and unprincipled opponent." a To 
the Nepalese he seemed to be a stern master, whose yoke, 
though grievous to bear, was better than the evils which 

1 This year is taken as the official date of the conquest in the royal 
genealogy of Nepal. Wright, p. 290. 

* Captain Hamilton, quoted in para. 17 of a memorandum by 
Dr. A. Campbell, Officiating Assistant to the Resident in Nepal, on 
the relations of the British Government and Nepal down to 1834, in two 
parts, headed "Principal Transactions and Early Intercourse." This 
valuable State paper was drawn up in 1837 under the instructions of 
Mr. Hodgson as Resident, and embodies his matured views on our 
relations with Nepal. I quote from the copy in the Political and 
Secret Department of the India Office, and for the sake of brevity, 
as already mentioned, I refer uniformly to it as Principal Transactions. 
It formed Parts II. and HI. of the Report of 1837, described ante, p. 95, 

vii.] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 99 

it averted. Bhim Sen was the first Ncpalese statesman 
who grasped the meaning of the system of Protectorates 
which Lord Wellesley had carried out in India. He saw 
one Native State after another come within the net of 
British subsidiary alliances, and his policy was steadily 
directed to save Nepal from a similar fate. He also per- 
ceived that the Gurkha race, having conquered Nepal and 
the hill valleys eastwards and westwards ut the foot of the 
great Himalayan wall on the north, had no further outlet 
for its warlike energy except southwards on the Indian 
plains. How to meet these two conditions, to stealthily 
encroach upon British territory and yet to prevent British 
reprisals which might bring Nepal under the British ascend- 
ency, were the almost irreconcilable tasks which Bhim Sen 
set before him. 

During the fust ten years of his Primc-Ministcrship he 
did not quite appreciate its difficulties. Judging from the 
ineffective interferences of the East India Company in 
Ncpalese affairs from 1765 to iSoi, he failed to realise 
the strength which it could now put forth. Between 
1804 and 1813 he accordingly allowed a long series of 
raids and encroachments on the Indian plains, the seizure 
of British territory and the carrying into captivity of 
British subjects. In so doing he merely continued and 
improved upon the old predatory policy of Nepal. In 
a single British district the magistrate had to report that 
"between 1787 and 1813 upwards of two hundred villages 
had been seized by the Nepalesc on one or other un- 
justifiable pretext" ' 

Nepal was somewhat rudely awakened to the change 
which had taken place in the power of the British 
Company by Lord Hastings' demand in 1813 for the 
evacuation of the most recently seized districts " within 
twenty-five days." But Bhim Sen could not bring 
himself to believe in the change, and declared for war. 

1 Report of the Magistrate of Tirhoot, quoted in Principal Trans- 
actions, para. 17. 


the spirited Queen-Regent and the astute Prime Minister 
prevented some of the most important of them from 
becoming operative. 

The third figure at the Nepalese Court was the British 
Resident, the Honourable Edward Gardner, with whom we 
are already acquainted. 1 Lord Hastings 1 fixed idea was 
that in 1816 he had broken the military force of Nepal for 
ever. The vast wars on which he found himself in the 
following year forced to embark against the Pindaris and 
Marathas made him disinclined to give heed to any symp- 
toms that might interfere with this preconceived view. It 
was the business of the Resident in Nepal to keep things 
quiet. Mr. Gardner was precisely the man to accomplish 
the task. 

But in accomplishing it he was constrained to a degree 
of self-effacement which encouraged the Queen-Regent 
and Prime Minister in their policy of dexterous frustra- 
tion. The traditional attitude of Nepal had been "to 
keep us totally in the dark as to whatever transpired 
within the mountains ; to refuse all effectual explanations 
of differences ; and to find and make opportunities of 
aggression, too small individually to kindle into actual 
flame our anger." 2 One of the chief objects of our cam- 
paign in 1815-16 was to put an end to this state of things 
by establishing a British Resident in Kathmandu. Lord 
Hastings' ultimatum to the defeated Nepalese when they 
tardily sought peace was " that they must take the Resident 
or war." 3 No sooner was a Resident accepted than the 
Queen-Regent and the Prime Minister began to try to 
isolate him as effectually as if he were non-existent. At 
first, indeed, a force of Nepalese soldiers was planted 
between the Residency and the capital to prevent any 
communication, and it was " given out in the city that 
any one so offending shall be punished." 4 Throughout 

1 Vide ante, pp. 37, 57, 58, 59. s Idem., para. 52. 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 52. * Idem., para. 55. 

vi*,] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 103 

Mr. Gardner's tenure of office, the Prime Minister impressed 
on the Nepalese chiefs "that intercourse with the Resi- 
dency must inevitably lead to the formation of a discon- 
tented faction in the State, and that treaties expressly 
forbade such intercourse. Whilst under these pretexts 
he debarred one and all from the privilege of personal 
intercourse with us, he had little difficulty in persuading 
the Nepalese vulgar great and small, that he alone was fit 
to cope with us in politics." 1 

Although Gardner acquiesced in these frustrations, he 
winced under them. Before long he perceived that Lord 
Hastings had by no means broken the military power 
of Nepal. As a matter of fact the Nepalese army was 
gradually raised in numbers and efficiency to a point 
unknown before the war. At th-^same time the mercantile 
arrangements between Nepal and India were reduced 
almost to a dead letter by skilful obstructions, and by the 
Prime Minister's denial of justice to merchants who engaged 
in the trade. 

Gardner's assistant, Hodgson, also realised the situation, 
and after some years of experience grew restive under it. 
Gardner, although not caring himself to change the passive 
policy to which he had been so long accustomed, does not 
seem to have objected to the efforts of his junior to prepare 
the way for a stricter enforcement of our treaty-rights. 
With his sanction Hodgson collected the materials for 
placing the British Government in possession of the com- 
plete facts regarding the military, commercial, and judicial 
problems involved. 

" The ordinary round of duties devolving on an assistant 
in an Indian embassy," writes the learned native com- 
mentator on the Hodgson Sanskrit manuscripts, 2 "is 
limited enough. But an officer in a foreign Court has 
many opportunities of collecting and digesting valuable 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 58. 

1 The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, by Rajendra Lala 
Mitra, LL.D. f C.I.E., p. v. (Calcutta, 1882). 


ensures the return of the Dhakcriah (or soldier off the 
roll) but little wanting in his proper accomplishments as 
an efficient soldier." 1 Hodgson's first difficulty, therefore, 
was that the whole upper classes in Nepal were organised 
into a hereditary force, whose sole career in life was 
military service. 

His second was that by the retrocession of part of the 
Tarai after the war of 1815-16, " as an earnest of our good- 
will," Lord Hastings had himself supplied the means for 
maintaining and developing this system. The Tarai, or 
rich malarial borderland at the foot of the hills, "from 
being a tract nearly depopulated previous to the war," had 
become under the security of possession guaranteed by 
Lord Hastings to Nepal " a source of net revenue to the 
amount of ten lakhs a year " (then over 100,000). " What 
we regarded as not worth retaining in 1816 now yields 
a noble revenue, and has capabilities of affording three 
times the amount." 2 

The solution of the difficulty which Hodgson urged 
upon the British Government was to draft a considerable 
number of the surplus soldiery of Nepal into our own 
army. The idea was not altogether a new one. General 
Ochterlony had noted the fighting qualities of the Gurkhas 
during the war, and in 1815 the Governor-General enlisted 
four Gurkha corps from the disbanded Nepalese troops. 3 
Their strength having been subsequently reduced, the 
Commandcr-in-Chief, Sir Edward Paget, proposed in 1825 
to augment them by recruits from the Nepal dominions. 
But Mr. Gardner as Resident, while cordially acknow- 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 63. 

8 Idem., para. 64. (Written in 1837.) 

3 Namely, the Sirmur Battalion at Nahun, the ist and 2nd Nasiri 
battalions at Subathu, and a fourth local corps in Kumaun from troops 
who came over at the close of the campaign. Record of the Services 
of the 2nd Gurkha (the Sirmur Rifle) Regiment in the Military 
Department. I am indebted to General Sir Oliver Nevvmarch, Military 
Secretary in the India Office, for access to this and other papers bearing 
upon the history of the British Gurkha Regiments. 


ledging their merits as soldiers, "believed that even on 
entering our service the Gurkhas would not separate 
themselves entirely from their native country, as they 
could not remove their families from Nepal, and he opined 
that, however faithfully they might conduct themselves on 
general occasions, in the event of any future rupture with 
Nepal they possessed that feeling of patriotism which 
would induce the greptcr part of them to adhere decidedly 
to their natural allegiance. 1 ' 1 He conceived a better plan 
would be to negotiate " with Nepal for the service of a 
portion of her organised troops as mercenaries." Nepal 
was quite ready to fall into the latter arrangement, and it 
was perhaps under the Prime Minister's prompting that 
Mr. Gardner suggested it. But the employment of separate 
bodies of foreign mercenaries was opposed to the military 
policy of the British Government of India, and nothing 
came of the proposal. 

It was at this point that Hodgson took up the question 
and placed it on a broader basis. " Mr. Hodgson," says 
the Report drawn up under his instructions, " is in favour of 
our opening the ranks of our army to the surplus soldiery 
of Nepal." 2 One of his last acts as Assistant Resident 
was to submit to the Government of India the conclusions 
at which he had slowly arrived and his plan for giving effect 
to them. Mr. Gardner had then been succeeded as Resi- 
dent by Sir Herbert Maddock, whose vigorous understand- 
ing clearly grasped the importance of Hodgson's views. 
It must be remembered, in reading the following extract, 
that Hodgson was comparing the Gurkhas not with the 
military races of the Punjab now in our service, but with 
the Company's regiments as then recruited in the Gangetic 
valley. That his comparison was not unjust may be 
gathered from independent military witnesses. In 1815 
General Ochtcrlony had "confidentially" informed the 
Governor-General " that the Company's sepoys could not 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 64. 
* Idem., para. 64. 


be brought to match the Gurkhas." 1 Shortly after the 
formation of the Sirmur battalion in 1815, Colonel Nicolls, 
in command of the forces assembled at Sitapur, reported 
the Gurkhas to be " the only corps with the army properly 
equipped for hill service." 2 Hodgson thus sums up his 
Report 3 to the Government in 1832 : 

"These Highland soldiers, who despatch their meal in 
half an hour, and satisfy the ceremonial law by merely 
washing their hands and face and taking off their turbans 
before cooking, laugh at the pharisaical rigour of our sepoys 
who must bathe from head to foot and make Puja ere they 
begin to dress their dinner, must eat nearly naked in the 
coldest weather, and cannot be in marching trim again in 
less than three hours the best part of the day. In war 
the former [/>. the Gurkhas] carry several days* provisions 
on their backs ; the latter [the Company's old sepoys] 
would deem such an act intolerably degrading. The former 
see in foreign service nothing but the prospect of gain and 
glory ; the latter can discover in it nothing but pollution 
and peril from unclean men, and terrible wizards and 
goblins and evil spirits. 

" In masses, the former [the Gurkhas] have that indomit- 
able confidence, each in all, which grows out of national 
integrity and success ; the latter [the Company's sepoys] 
can have no idea of this sentiment, which however maintains 
the union and resolution of multitudes in peril better than 
all other human bonds whatever. 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 64. 

* Record of the Services of the 2nd Gurkha Regiment in the Military 
Department of the India Office. 

3 Dated October 1832. This Report was, by permission of the 
Government, placed before the Asiatic Society at its meeting of 
January 9th, 1833, and has been frequently printed : c.g. in the Journal 
of the Bengal Asiatic Society, Vol. II. f 1833 J Selections from the Records 
of tiie Government of Bengal, No. XXVII. (Calcutta, 1857); Hodgson's 
Collected Essays, Part II. (Trubner, London, 1874) ; and in various State 
papers. I quote from its final official form, as reproduced in the Report 
for the Government of India drawn up under Mr. Hodgson's instructions 
when Resident in 1837. 

vn.] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 109 

11 1 calculate that there are at this time in Nepal no less 
than 30,000 Dhakeriahs, or soldiers off the roll by rotation, 
belonging to the Khas, Muggurs, and Gurung tribes (three 
chief military tribes in Nepal). I am not sure that there 
exists any insuperable obstacle to our obtaining in one form 
or other the services of a large body of these men ; and 
such are their energy of character, love of enterprise, and 
freedom from the shackles of caste, that I am well assured 
their services, if obtained, would soon come to be most 
highly prized. In my humble opinion they are by far the 
best soldiers in India, and if they arc made participators of 
our renown in arms, I conceive that their gallant spirit and 
unadulterated military habits might be relied on for fidelity; 
and that our good and regular pay, and noble pension 
establishment, would serve to counterpoise the influence of 

This Report by Hodgson in 1832, although it won the 
thanks of the Government and probably decided Lord 
William Bentinck to appoint him as Resident of Nepal, 
resulted in no immediate action. It came in the midst 
of the twelve years 1 peace between the fall of Bhartpur in 
1827 and the first Kabul war in 1839. It was in vain that 
one military expert after another called attention to the 
importance of providing some counterpoise to the pampered 
sepoys of the Gangetic valley, and urged the recruitment 
of the Gurkhas as a new clement of strength and safety. 
Lord Dalhousie's prescient mind did, indeed, realise the 
necessity. He reorganised the local Gurkha battalions 
into regiments in 1850, and one of his last acts in 1856 
was to urge the increase of this force as essential to our 
security in India. He urged in vain. 1 A year later, when 
the Mutiny of 1857 broke upon Northern India, the 
authorities fell back when too late on Hodgson's scheme, 
which would, humanly speaking, have rendered such a 
catastrophe impossible. 

1 For references to the question in its general bearing upon the Mutiny, 
see my ZJfe of Dalhomie % pp. 214, 222 (The Clarendon Press, Ed. 1890; 


Hodgson himself, by his close intimacy with Sir Jang 
Bahadur, exercised at the height of the crisis an important 
influence on the decision of the Nepalese Minister to place 
at our disposal the Gurkha force which did such good 
service. We shall see the part which Hodgson played in 
persuading Lord Canning to accept the proffered Gurkha 
troops. As usual Hodgson sank his personality and only 
lamented, not that his own counsels, but that those of 
acknowledged military authorities had been so long and 
fatally neglected. "It is infinitely to be regretted," he 
wrote in 1857, "that the opinions of Sir H. Fane, of Sir 
Charles Napier, and of Sir H. Lawrence, as to the high 
expediency of recruiting largely from this source, were not 
acted upon long ago." * 

Hodgson's scheme for relieving the growing pressure of 
the military castes in Nepal was not confined to recruit- 
ing alone. He believed that until some peaceful outlet 
could be provided for the productions and commercial 
capabilities of Nepal there would be chronic unrest. " By 
depriving her of a third of her territory," says the Report 
drawn up under his instructions at a later period when 
Resident, "and girding her on all sides by our own 
Provinces, we imagined that of necessity she would gradu- 
ally abandon her thirst for arms and conquest, turn her 
thoughts and resources to the peaceful arts of commerce 
and agriculture, and ere long be changed from a hostile 
power which skirted our dominions for about eight hundred 
miles, to a less powerful, quiet, and peaceable neighbour 
and ally. The reverse of this is the case, and at this 
moment [1837] Nepal holds a station of offensive power 
to the full as great as she did in 1814." The Report goes 
on to urge that "the second means" (i.e. in addition to 
enlistment of the Gurkhas in our regiments) " for quieting 

1 This passage has been quoted by Captain Eden Vansittart, 5th 
Gurkhas, in his Notes on the Gurkhas, p. 32. Superintendent of 
Government Printing, Calcutta (Calcutta, 1890). Military Department, 
India Office. 


the passion for arms among the military tribes of Nepal 
is a due attention on our part to the encouragement and 
increase of commerce." l 

Hodgson, in regard to his trade-proposals, found the 
initial task of obtaining the necessary data a protracted 
one. It occupied him during many years while Assistant 
Resident, and it was not until acting temporarily as 
Resident, in 1829-31, that he thought it safe to submit 
his conclusions to Government in a complete form. Mean- 
while, as his official reports state, he searched the records 
of the past generally in vain, and gradually accumulated 
data as to the present. " I have secretly and carefully 
applied," he writes, " to some of the oldest and most respect- 
able merchants of Kathmandu and other chief towns of 
the valley. ... In the absence of statistical documents 
these are the only accessible data." 

The results were at length embodied in two despatches 
from him dated March 8th, 1830, and December ist, 1831. 
Taken together they form the most interesting account 
of Himalayan and Central Asian trade in the records of 
the Government of India. His final report of 1831 was 
published by authority/* and has been more than once 
reprinted.' 1 In his despatch of 1830 he had explained the 
causes " why that great commerce which naturally ought 
to, and formerly did, subsist between the Cis- and Trans- 
Himalayan regions should seek the channel of Nepal rather 
than that of Bhutan on the one hand or of Kumaun on 
the other." In his Report of 1831 he set forth the available 
means for resuscitating and developing this trade under 
three main heads. He first gave " a precise practical 
account of the commercial route to Kathmandu, and thence 
to the marts on the Bhote or Tibetan frontier, with the 

1 Principal Transactions, para. 64. 

- As Paper No. II. of the Selections from the Records of the Govern- 
ment of Bengal , Vol. XXVII. 

3 For example, under the title of " On the Commerce of Nepal," in 
Part II. of Hodgson's Essays, pp. 91-121 (TrQbner, 1874). 


manner and expense of conveying goods, the amount and 
nature of the duties levied thereon by the Nepal Govern- 
ment, and the places where they are levied." He next 
furnished " lists of imports and exports with remarks." He 
concluded with " catalogues showing the number of native 
and Indian merchants residing at Kathmandu and the 
other chief towns of the valley of Nepal, with the supposed 
amount of the trading capital of each." 

Hodgson pointed out that the competition for the Central 
Asian commerce lay between the trade route from Pekin 
to St. Petersburg on the north, and that from Pekin to 
India vid the Nepal passes on the south. The former 
route he estimates, upon data which he gives, at 5,500 miles ; 
the latter at 2,880, or deducting the river-section from our 
frontier to Calcutta, at only 2,340". The Russian route, 
moreover, was subject to heavier and more numerous 
transit duties than the Indian one. Yet the commerce vid 
the Indian route had dwindled, while that of the Russian 
route flourished. One main cause was the attitude of 
isolation assumed by the intervening State of Nepal, and 
our consequent absence of information as to the conditions 
and requirements of the inner- Asia trade. Hodgson's aim 
was to convert Nepal from an interposing obstacle into a 
common mart where the merchants from Hindustan might 
interchange their commodities with the traders from inner- 

He showed that it was exactly the products in which 
Great Britain excelled, especially warm woollen stuffs and 
cutlery, and for which Calcutta formed the natural inlet, 
that were in demand for the trans-Himalayan trade. 
Even the Russian caravans in Central Asia had to depend 
on Manchester for their finer goods. " Of the cotton and 
woollen cloths the coarse only are Russian-made," wrote Mr. 
Hodgson, 1 " the fine come chiefly from England ; and the 
like is true of the glassware and hardware." Indeed Russia 

1 Letter to the Political Secretary to Government, dated December 
1st, 1831. 

vii.] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 113 

went even farther afield, to our colonies. " From Canada 
Russia seeks through England our peltry," or fur-skins, he 
continues, " to convey it to the Chinese across the endless 
savage wastes of Siberia. What should hinder our Indian 
subjects and the Nepalesc from procuring these same furs 
at Calcutta, and conveying them through Nepal and Tibet 
to these same Chinese? . . . What, again, should hinder 
the same merchant^ from underselling the Russian in the 
articles of English woollens, hardware, and glassware, by 
conveying them to Sctchucn from Calcutta by the same 
route? . . . The Ncpalese have used the Chinese com- 
merce viA Tibet for ages, and our Indian subjects might 
deal in concert with the Ncpalese by joint firms at 

But while Western China farmed the ultimate goal 
of such commerce, Hodgson urged that, even without 
reaching that goal, important openings for trade lay along 
the route. In Nepal's nearest neighbour, Tibet, he pointed 
out that there was " an immense country, tolerably 
well peopled, possessed of a temperate climate, rich in 
natural productions, and inhabited by no rude nomads, 
but by a settled, peaceful, lettered, and commercially dis- 
posed race, to whom our broad cloths are needful, since, 
whilst all ranks and ages and both sexes wear woollen 
cloths, the native manufactures are most wretched, and 
China has none of a superior sort and at a moderate price 
wherewith to supply the Tibetans. With her [Tibet's] 
musk, her rhubarb, her borax, her splendid wools, her 
mineral and animal wealth, her universal need of good 
woollens, and her incapacity to provide herself or to obtain 
supplies from any of her neighbours, Tibet may well 
be believed capable of maintaining a large and valuable 
exchange of commodities with Great Britain, through the 
medium of our Indian subjects and the people of Nepal, 
to which latter the aditus, closed to all others by China, 
is freely open." 

Hodgson explained in detail the existing nucleus from 



which such a trade might be developed. " It appears that 
at this present time," he wrote in 1831, "there are in the 
great towns in the valley of Nepal fifty-two native and 
thirty-four Indian merchants engaged in foreign commerce 
both with the south and the north, and that the trading 
capital of the former is considered to be not less than 
Rs. 5,018,000, nor that of the latter less than Rs. 2,305,000." 
In a comment on this passage Hodgson first reduced his 
estimates by a third, and finally in a pencil note to one 
half, which would give the aggregate capital of the 
merchants then engaged in the Nepal foreign trade at 
about Rs. 3,500,000. He found it extremely difficult to 
obtain data as to the volume of business done by them ; 
but he ultimately estimated the total Nepalcse exports 
and imports at over Rs. 3,000,000 a year. There was there- 
fore a definite nucleus both of capital and of acquired 
experience from which a Central Asian trade through 
Nepal might be developed. " Let the native merchants 
of Calcutta and Nepal, separately or in concert, 11 he said, 
"take up this commerce." 

Hodgson went into a degree of detail which may now 
seem curious, but which at the time was eminently practical, 
as to the means for rendering such commerce profitable. 
Not only the length of each stage and the amount of 
customs duties at each station, but the estimated buying 
price in Calcutta of over a hundred articles of Central 
Asian trade, from cottons, carpets, and corals to gun-flints, 
needles, and betel-nuts, their selling price in Nepal, the 
total import of each into Nepal, and the total consumed 
within Nepalese limits, are set forth in tabulated statements. 

His Report forms a handbook as to the articles of 
Himalayan trade, the qualities most profitable and the 
colours most in demand, in the first third of the nineteenth 
century. He gives minute suggestions even as to the 
packing of the goods in transit. "The merchants* wares 
should be made up at Calcutta into secure packages, 
adapted for carriage on a man's back, of the full weight of 


two Calcutta bazaar maunds each. 1 Because, if the wares 
be so made up, a single mountaineer will carry that 
surprising weight over the huge mountains of Nepal ; 
whereas two men not being able to unite their strength 
with effect in the conveyance of goods, packages heavier 
than two maunds arc of necessity taken to pieces on the 
road at great hazard and inconvenience. . . . Let every 
merchant, therefore," he quaintly concludes his dissertation 
on packing, " make up his goods into parcels of two full 
bazaar maunds each, and let him have with him apparatus 
for fixing two of such parcels across a bullock's saddle." 

Hodgson's plans for the commercial development of 
Nepal had a different fate from his project for the British 
enlistment of the Gurkhas. Bo f h \vcrc designed with the 
same political view, to find an Cutlet for the energy of the 
surplus population of Nepal. But as his military scheme 
was pigeon-holed owing to the long twelve years' peace, 
so for the same reason his trade-proposals won the imme- 
diate approval of Government. It was his pleasant duty 
while Resident from 1833 to 1843 to aid in extending the 
intercourse between British India and Nepal on the lines 
which he had sketched, and to give effect to the trade- 
policy on which he had so long pondered when an Assistant. 
An immense development of our commercial relations 
with Nepal dates from his Reports. The Rs. 3,000,000 
of Nepalesc imports and exports in 1831 had grown 
into a Nepalesc trade with British India alone of over 
Rs. 33,000,000 in 1891.- 

Hodgson foresaw that such a development would only 
be possible when the legal position of British- Indian 
merchants in Nepal should be placed on a satisfactory 
footing. His third series of efforts were accordingly 
directed to exploring the judicial system of Nepal, and 
to drawing up an accurate account of it for the British 

1 About 160 pounds avoirdupois. 

* Statistical Abstract relating to British India % presented to both 
Houses of Parliament, pp. 226-7 8 95). Return for 1890-91. 


Government. Nothing of the kind had previously been 
attempted, but the habit of inquiry which Hodgson learned 
under his first master Traill in Kumaun, and especially of 
inquiry into the judicial practice of what had up to that 
time formed a Nepalese province, now served him in good 
stead in Nepal itself. " The administration was purely 
Hindu," writes Rajendra Lala Mitra, 1 " absolutely untouched 
by foreign influence for several centuries." 

Hodgson started with no preconceived notions, but 
simply with the idea of acquiring such a practical know- 
ledge of the native judicial system as would enable him to 
secure justice in cases which the British Residency had to 
settle conjointly with the courts of Nepal. Such cases 
were numerous, and at times formed an important part 
of the Resident's and Assistant Resident's work. For the 
Nepalese Darbar, finding itself unable to maintain its isola- 
tion, threw legal obstacles in the way of merchants from the 
Indian plains obstacles which rendered it difficult for 
British-Indian subjects to collect their debts, and sometimes 
involved them in the meshes of a judicial procedure which 
they did not understand. As it was difficult for them to 
obtain redress from the Nepalese tribunals, Hodgson deter- 
mined to ascertain exactly the number and constitution of 
those tribunals and the law which they were bound to 

He accordingly drew up a series of ninety-three questions 
and placed them before the Brahmans learned in the law 
whom he maintained to assist him in his philological and 
Buddhist researches. The statements thus collected he 
tested by secret inquiries from Nepalese pandits and 
officers " who were judged most capable of replying to 
them in a full and satisfactory manner." He embodied 
the results in two official reports, " On the Law and 
Police of Nepal " and " On the Law and Legal Practice 
of Nepal ; " with a third in the Asiatic Researches. 

"This subject," wrote the Government, "is one which 
J The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, p. v. (Calcutta, 1882). 


possesses much interest, whether for the legislator, the 
historian, or the philosopher. In Hindustan we look in 
vain for any traces of Hindu legislation or government. 
The Moslem conquerors have everywhere swept them away. 
And if we wish to inquire what are the features of the 
Hindu system of jurisprudence and judicature, it is in 
Nepal we must seek for the answer. Mr. Hodgson is the 
first who has enabled us to obtain a precise and definitive 
view of the subject. His information was transmitted to 
the Governor-General, and the Governor-General deemed 
it of sufficient importance to authorise its publication." ! 

Tbc two papers were accordingly placed before the 
Asiatic Society/ and subsequently reprinted in Vol. XXVII 
of the Selections 'rot,, the Records of the Government of 
BeiigaL They start withsimpl' questions as to the number, 
territorial jurisdiction, and terms or sittings of the courts, and 
the names and functions of their officers. They proceed to 
mure complicated inquiries in regard to the law of evidence 
current in Nepal, the judicial consequence of confession, 
the police establishment, the ultimate sources of the law 
(whether written or customary ; f crimes and their punish- 
ments, the rules of inheritance, and the practice in mercan- 
tile cases. The law for the recovery of debt a matter 
constantly arising between our Residency and the Ncpalcsc 
Court is stated as follows : " The creditor may attach 
duns to the debtor, to follow and dun him wherever he 
goes. The creditor may aKo stop the debtor wherever 
he finds him ; take him home, confine, beat, and abuse 
him; so that he does him no serious injury in health or 
limbs. Another answer states that the creditor may seize 
upon the debtor, confine him in his own house, place him 

1 Quoted in The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature of Nepal, by Rajendra 
Lala Mitra, p. vi. (Calcutta, 1882). 

The second paper was read before the Bengal Asiatic Society on 
December 7th, 1833. The two were finally reprinted as Sonic Account 
of the Systems of Law and Police as recognised in the State of Nepal 
in Vol. II. of Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, pp. 211-250 (TrUbnen 


under the spout that discharges the filthy wash of the 
house, and suchlike ; but he has no further power over 
him." l 

The thoroughness with which Hodgson went into the 
subject may be seen from the answers to two single ques- 
tions. I quote them in full, for they disclose the actual 
administration of justice in a Hindu State undisturbed by 
foreign influences. I know of no other record so trust- 
worthy, because obtained from witnesses on the spot while 
the system was still in full vigour, as to the procedure by 
ordeal and torture which the British system had to super- 
sede and eradicate in old-fashioned parts of India. Readers 
who are afraid of native words may skip it, but to those 
who can overcome their aversion to unfamiliar terms, it 
will present a realistic picture not devoid of pathos. I 
have tried to make the task as light as -possible by giving 
the English equivalents. 

" Question XXXII. Describe the forms of procedure in 
a civil cause, step by step. 

" Answer. If a person comes into court and states that 
another person owes him a certain sum of money, which he 
refuses to pay, the bichari [or examining officer] of the 
court immediately asks him for the particulars of the debt, 
which he accordingly furnishes. The examining officer 
then commands the jamadar [head bailiff] of the court to 
send one of his sepoys to fetch the debtor. The creditor 
accompanies the sepoy to point out the debtor, and pays 
him two annas per diem (then about threepence), until he 
has arrested the latter and brought him into court. When 
he is there produced, the dif/ta [judge] 2 and examining 
officers interrogate the parties face to face. The debtor is 
asked if he acknowledges the debt alleged against him, and 

1 Selections from the Records of the Government of Bengal^ Vol. 
XXVII. ; Answer to Mr. Hodgson's Question No. XCIII., p. 227. 

* The dit'ha, or judge, decided ; the bicharis, or examining officers, of 
whom there were two to each court, conducted the preliminary proce- 
dure. Answer to Question XV. 


will immediately discharge it. The debtor may answer by 
acknowledging the debt, and stating his willingness to pay 
it as soon as he can collect the means, which he hopes to 
do in a few days. 

" In this case, the examining officer will desire the 
creditor to wait a few days. The creditor may reply that 
he cannot wait, having immediate need of the money ; 
and if so, one of the chaprassis [orderlies] of the court 
is attached to the debtor, with directions to see to the 
producing of the money in court by any means. The 
debtor must then produce money or goods, or whatever 
property he has, and bring it into court. The judge and 
examining officers, calling to their assistance three or 
four merchants, proceed to appraise the goods produced 
in satisfaction of the debt, anc- immediately discharge it ; 
nor can the creditor object to their appraisement of the 
debtor's goods and chattels. In matters thus arranged, 
that is, where the defendant admits the cause of action 
to be valid, 5 per cent of the property litigated is taken 
from the one party, and 10 per cent from the other, 
and no more [as court-fees]. 

" If the defendant, when produced in court in the 
manner above described, denies instead of confessing 
the debt, then the plaintiff's proofs arc called for ; and 
if he has only a simple note of hand unattcsted, or an 
attested acknowledgment the witnesses to which are 
dead, then the judge and examining officers interrogate 
the plaintiff thus : * This paper is of no use as evidence ; 
how do you propose to establish your claim? 1 The 
plaintiff may answer : ' I lent the money to the father 
of the defendant ; the note produced is in his handwriting,, 
and my claim is a just claim.' Hereupon the plaintiff is 
required to pledge himself formally to prosecute his claim 
in the court in which he is, and in no other. The words 
enjoining the plaintiff thus to gage himself are Bert Vhapo \, 
and the mode is by the plaintiffs taking a rupee in his 
hand, which he closes, and strikes the ground, exclaiming 


at the same time, ' My claim is just, and I gage myself 
to prove it so/ 

"The defendant is then commanded to take up the 
gage of the plaintiff, or to pledge himself in a similar 
manner to attend the court duly to the conclusion of the 
trial, which he does by formally denying the authenticity 
of the document produced against him, as well as the 
validity of the debt ; and upon this denial he likewise 
strikes the earth with his hand closed on a rupee. The 
rupee of the plaintiff and that of the defendant, which are 
called beri, are now deposited in court. The next step is 
for the court to take the fee called karpan, or five rupees 
from each party. The amount of both beri and karpan 
is the perquisite of the various officers of the court, and 
does not go to the Government. The giving of karpan by 
the parties implies their desire to refer the dispute to the 
decision of the ordeal ; and accordingly, as soon as the 
karpan is paid down, the judge acquaints the Government 
that the parties in a certain cause wish to undergo the 
ordeal. The necessary order is thereupon issued from 
the Darbar ; but when it has reached the court, the judge 
and examining officers first of all exhort the parties to 
come to an understanding and effect a settlement of their 
dispute by some other means. If, however, they will not 
consent, the trial is directed to proceed. 

" The ordeal is called nyaya, and the form of it is as 
follows : The names of the respective parties arc inscribed 
on two pieces of paper, which arc rolled up into balls, and 
then have puja offered to them. From each party a fine 
or fee of one rupee is taken : the balls are then affixed to 
staffs of reed, and two annas more are taken from each 
party. The reeds are then entrusted to two of the 
havildars [beadles] of the court to take to the Queen's 
Tank; and with the havildars^ an examining officer of 
the court, a Brahman, and the parties proceed thither, as 
also two men of the Chamakhalak (or Chamara) caste. 1 

1 A low aboriginal caste, in India skinners and leather-workers. The 

vii.] ASSISTANT RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18251833. 121 

" On arriving at the tank, the examining officer again 
exhorts the parties to avoid the ordeal by adopting some 
other mode of settling the business, the merits of which are 
only known to themselves. If they continue to insist on 
the ordeal, the two havildars [beadles], each holding one of 
the reeds, go, one to the east and the other to the west 
side of the tank, entering the water about knee-deep. The 
Brahman, the parties, and the Chamakhalaks, all at this 
moment enter the water a little way ; and the Brahman 
performs worship to Varuna in the name of the parties, 
and repeats a sacred text, the meaning of which is that 
manHnd knows not what passes in the minds of each 
other, but that ail inward thoughts and past acts are 
known to the gods Surya, Chandra, Varuna, and Yama ; 
and that they will do justice between the parties in this 

" When the puja is over, the Brahman gives the tilak ' 
to the two Chamakhalaks, and says to them, * Let the 
champion of truth win, and let the false one's champion 
lose ! ' This bein^ said, the Brahman and the parties come 
out of the water, and the Chamakhalaks separate, one 
going to each place where the reed is erected. They then 
enter the deep water, and at a signal given, both immerse 
themselves in the water at the same instant Whichever 
of them first rises from the water, the rccd nearest to him 
is instantly destroyed, together with the scroll attached 
to it The other reed is carried back to the court, where 
the ball of paper is opened, and the name read. If the 
scroll bear the plaintiffs name, he wins the cause ; if it be 
that of the defendant, the latter is victorious. 

" The fine cMzAjifhouri is then paid by the winner, and 
that called harhouri by the loser; besides which, five rupees 

presence of low castes at the ordeal was probably connected with the 
idea of making the aboriginal gods witnesses to the ceremony, as the 
Brahman represented the Hindu gods. 

1 That is to say, he solemnly puts the sacred mark on their fore- 


are demanded from the winner in return for a turban 
which he gets, and the same sum, under the name of 
sabhasudd'ha (or purification of the court), from the loser. 
The above four demands on the parties, viz. jiflwuri, 
harhouri) pagri, and sab/iasudd'/ia, are Government taxes ; 
and, exclusive of these, eight annas must be paid to the 
mahanias of the court, eight annas more to the kotwal, 
eight more to the kumhalnaikias> and, lastly, eight more 
to the khardar, or registrar. In this manner multitudes 
of causes are decided by nyaya (ordeal), when the parties 
cannot be brought to agree upon the subject-matter of 
dispute, and have neither documentary nor verbal evidence 
to adduce." 

"Question XXXIII. Describe the forms of procedure 
in a criminal cause, step by step. 

" Answer. If any one comes into court, and states that 
such an one has killed such another by poison, sword, 
dagger, or otherwise, the informant is instantly interro- 
gated by the court thus : How ? Who ? When ? Before 
whom? The Corpus delicti > where? etc., etc. He answers 
by stating all these particulars according to his knowledge 
of the facts ; adducing the names of the witnesses, or 
saying that, though he has no other witnesses than himself 
to the fact of murder, he pledges himself to prove it, or 
abide the consequences of failure in the proof. This last 
engagement, when tendered by the accuser, is immediately 
reduced to writing, to bind him more effectually ; after 
which, one or more sepoys of the court arc sent with the 
informant to secure the murderer, and produce him and 
the testimony of the deed in court, which, when produced 
accordingly, is followed by an interrogation of the accused. 

" If the accused confesses the murder, there is no neces- 
sity to call for evidence. But if he denies it, evidence is 
then gone into ; and if the witnesses depose positively to 
their having seen the accused commit the murder, the 
latter is again asked what he has to say ; and if he still 
refuses to confess, he is whipped until he does ; the con- 


fession, when obtained, is reduced to writing and attested 
by the murderer, who is then put in irons and sent to 

" Cases of theft, robbery, incest, etc., arc also dealt with 
in Nepal, and the convicts sent to prison. When the 
number amounts to twenty or thirty, the aifha [judge] 
makes out a calendar of their crimes, to which he appends 
their confession, and a specification of the punishment 
usually inflicted in such cases. This list the judge carries 
to the Bharadar Sabha (Council of State), whence it is taken 
by the Premier to the Prince, after the judge's allotment of 
punishment to each convict has been ratified, or some other 
punishment substituted. 

" The list, so altered or confined in the Council of State, 
and referred by the Premier t j Jthc Prince, is as a matter 
of form sanctioned by the latter, after which it is re- 
dclivcrcd to the judge, who makes it over to the aras-begi. 
The latter, taking the prisoners, the inaha-naiklcts^ and some 
of the men of the Porya caste with him, proceeds to the 
banks of the Bishen-mati, where the sentence of the law is 
inflicted by the hands of the poryas^ and in the presence 
of the aras-begi and the maha-naikias. Grave offences, 
involving the penalty of life or limb, are thus treated. 
With respect to mutual reviling and quarrels, false evi- 
dence, false accusation of moral delinquency, and such- 
like minor crimes and offences, punishment is apportioned 
with reference to the caste of the offender or offenders." 

Hodgson's work soon began to attract the attention of 
the Foreign Office in Calcutta. In a letter to his sister we 
have heard of one of his reports being handed about with 
approval by the Governor-General and the Bishop. In 
another he sends home "the Court of Directors' public 
thanks' 1 for his papers on the laws and institutions of 
Nepal. I have dwelt on his labours as Assistant Resident 
between 1825 and 1833, because it was those labours which 
gave him his strong grasp of Nepalesc affairs during his 
next ten years as Resident. They show the spirit in which 


Hodgson carried out Mr. Butterworth Bayley's advice of 
"Go back to Nepal and master the subject in all its 
phases." The reward which, when that advice was given, 
Hodgson had not dared to look forward to, now fell to 
him. At the age of thirty-three he became full Resident 
in Nepal. 

At one time, indeed, it seemed as if his good fortune 
might have come even earlier. When the Honourable 
Edward Gardner retired from the service in 1829, the 
Governor-General appears to have considered the possi- 
bility of appointing Hodgson as Gardner's immediate 
successor. Hodgson had already distinguished himself 
both by his official reports and by his contributions to 
learned societies. Gardner recognised his capacity, although 
he possibly thought his abilities greater than his experience. 
Nor would the good word of distinguished officers at head- 
quarters of Butterworth Bayley, Herbert Maddock, and 
D'Oyly be wanting, while the Governor-GeneraFs decision 
hung in the balance. 

Lord William Bcntinck took a course which was both 
wise and kind. He realised that Hodgson could not live 
on the Indian plains, and that Nepal was almost his only 
chance of a career in India. But Hodgson at twenty-nine 
was too young to be appointed permanent Resident in 
Nepal. Lord William Bcntinck knew that, if he chose a 
middle-aged political of the ordinary type for the post, the 
officer would stay in it till the end of his service, and practi- 
cally put an end to Hodgson's prospects. So he gave 
Hodgson a chance of proving his fitness for the eventual 
succession by allowing him to officiate for about eighteen 
months, and then appointed a Resident whose stay in 
Nepal would be almost necessarily a short one. 

Sir Herbert Maddock was at that time midway in his 
brilliant career. He had been Governor-General's Agent 
for the Sagar and Narbada Territories, and in 1829 rose 
to the supremely important post of Resident with the 
King of Oudh at Lucknow. But his health had been 


severely strained, and in 1831 he accepted for a time the less 
onerous duties and more healthy climate of the Residency in 
Nepal. Lord William Bentinck foresaw that that position 
could be only a brief resting-piacc in Maddock's upward 
flight. As a matter of fact Haddock, having satisfied him- 
self that Hodgson might be safely trusted with the political 
management of Nepal, took furlough to Europe on January 
2rst, 1833. an d Hodgson succeeded him as Resident. 




HODGSON brought to his duties as Resident the 
convictions which he had slowly formed during 
the preceding twelve years in regard to our policy towards 
Nepal. He was now to labour throughout the remaining 
ten years of his Indian service to give effect to those 
convictions. He believed that if we wished to convert 
Nepal from a sulky and somewhat dangerous neighbour 
into a useful, even if not very cordial, ally, four distinct 
lines of action ought to be adopted and steadily pursued. 
Let me for a moment recapitulate. 

In the first place, he held that an outlet should be found 
for the surplus military population of Nepal by enlisting 
the fighting castes into the Company's forces. Hodgson 
was thus the projector of the modern system of Gurkha 
regiments, as distinguished from the old local corps the 
system of regular recruitment from the Nepalcse high- 
landers which has received so important a development 
in our own times, and which now supplies very valuable 
materials to our Indian army. 

In the second place, he believed that a new and healthy 
direction might be given to the energies of the people at 
large by fostering a Central Asian trade with India. He 
hoped, as I have mentioned, that Nepal, instead of con- 
tinuing a barrier between India and High" Asia, might 
become the meeting-ground for the merchants from both 
sides. He perceived that the commercial predominance 

CHAP. viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 127 

of Russia in inner Asia depended on her command of 
the caravan route ; and he was the first British diplomatist 
who worked out a detailed plan for cutting the Russian 
route in the middle, and for diverting the Chinese and 
Tibetan land-trade by the shorter rend to our Indian 
frontier, via Nepal. 

With a view to effecting this he sought, in the third 
place, to come to jlear understanding with the Ncpalese 
Court as to the conditions under which commerce might 
enter and pass through the country. He also endeavoured 
to procure a definite legal status for British- Indian traders, 
and some security for their obtaining redress from the 
Nepalcsc tribunals. In the fourth place, he tried by a 
fair settlement of frontier questions, and by the completion 
and maintenance of a well-marl ^ line of boundary pillars, 
to get rid of a chronic cause of umbrage in our relations 
with Nepal. 

These objects Hodgson never lost sight of. We also 
must bear them in mind if we are to understand his 
attitude throughout the long period of palace intrigues, 
revolutions, and massacres on which Nepal was about 
to enter. The Queen-Regent, who had ruled conjointly 
with Bhim Sen, the Prime Minister, since 1805, died in 
1832. The young King was only eighteen years old when 
his grandmother passed from the scene, and he was back- 
ward for his age. 1 Her death seemed for a time to leave 
the Prime Minister completely master of the situation. 
Bhim Sen's ambition, to which her royal prestige had 
acted as a counterpoise if not always <is a check, now 
acknowledged no control. 

It was at this juncture that Hodgson in the beginning 
of the following year, 1833, became full Resident of Nepal. 

1 In the Secret Consultations of the Government of India he is 
spoken of as sixteen. But the Nepalese chronology shows that he 
was two years old at the death of his father and his own nominal 
accession in November 1816. Native records of Nepal, translated from 
an MS., and printed in Dr. Wright's History of Nepal, p. 284. Ed. 


The Prime Minister had for long studied the character 
and aims of the new British representative, and seemed 
anxious to conciliate Hodgson's goodwill by con- 
cessions which did not affect his own undivided power 
within Nepal, but which he knew that Hodgson had at 
heart. One of these objects was the final settlement of 
the long-standing boundary disputes. After the war in 
1816 we had made over the Western Tarai or Nepalese 
borderland to the King of Oudh, but all efforts during 
the following fourteen years had failed to procure a 
demarcation of the frontier. When Hodgson was Acting 
Resident of Nepal in 1830, the Prime Minister yielded 
to the pressure which he brought to bear for a final adjust- 
ment, and the boundary line of the Western Tarai was at 
length completely marked out by a British officer in the 
presence of deputies from both States. 1 

The Eastern Tarai we partly kept in our own hands 
after the war of 1816, and partly restored to Nepal. But 
here again Bhim Sen had managed to defeat all efforts for 
a complete demarcation ; and here also he displayed a 
willingness to meet what he knew to be one of Hodgson's 
special aims. Soon after Hodgson became full Resident 
in 1833, the Prime Minister concluded a final agreement, 
and this old source of frontier quarrels was closed. 

The official records had noted, during Hodgson's Acting 
Residentship (1829 183 1), " a gradual cessation of suspicion 
and distrust between the Nepalese and the people of the 
plains of India, and the increase of commerce, especially 
in the importation of Indian and European articles, to the 
exclusion of those from Bhutan and China." The Nepalese 
chiefs and Bhim Sen himself began to show " a growing in- 
clination " " for British luxuries and customs." 2 The Prime 

1 Secret Consultations, No. 74, of January i8th, 1841. India Office 

1 Secret Consultations (MSS.) of the Government of India, No. 74, 
of January i8th, 1841. These papers, under the title of Excerpts 
from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu to Government from 

vin.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 129 

Minister also disclosed a willingness to meet Hodgson's 
wish for some international arrangement which would 
really ensure the delivering up of offenders and eventu- 
ally lead to a legal status for British traders in Nepal. 
An unfortunate incident during Sir Herbert Maddock's 
tenure of office in 1832 "suspended for a time the ne- 
gotiations," and it was not until some years after Hodg- 
son became full RcHdcnt in 1833 that anything practical 
was effected. 

But while the Prime Minister was willing to conciliate 
Hodgson's known desire for the extension of trade and for 
the settlement of boundary disputes, he used his undivided 
power after the death of the Quccn-Rcgcnt to isolate the 
British Residency even more rigidly than before. Shortly 
after becoming Resident I lodg? *n thought it his duty to 
lay the situation plainly before the Government of India- 
He himself somewhat sadly acknowledges that he is 
" bound to Nepal by choice and necessity, by my feeble 
health and my peculiar pursuits, and [by] having neither 
a wish nor a hope beyond what I possess." l Yet he firmly 
tells his Government that a British Residency in Nepal 
was little more than a sham under the conditions which 
had for years been imposed upon it. " I am decidedly of 
opinion that it were better to put an end to the ludicrous 
mockery of Chinese foreign polity which the Minister has 
endeavoured to play off against the Residency since its 
establishment here." 2 On a recent occasion, when Mr. 
Maddock sent the Residency Munshi on a message of 
courtesy to the Raja, the Munshi was refused admission 
to the Prince's presence. "He was kept," says the official 

1830 to 1840, by Mr. J. K. Tickell, the Assistant Resident, were after- 
wards printed for the use of the Foreign Department. But I had not 
seen this printed memorandum when I examined the MS. Consultations 
in the India Office. 

1 Resident of Nepal to Political Secretary to Government of India, 
dated June 3rd, 1833.- India Office MSS. 



narrative, " in a remote part of the palace, and required to 
give his message to some people of no condition." l 

Among other means of isolation, the Prime Minister 
increased the restrictions always placed on the officers of 
the Residency as regards excursions in the neighbourhood. 
This was carried so far as to incite the peasants to give 
trouble to the Resident or members of his staff while out 
shooting. Hodgson did not condescend to officially 
remonstrate for such petty annoyances, but he hit upon 
a rather ingenious device, and one which struck the 
Oriental imagination. " I sent my two last and best setters 
to the Minister's young son with a message that, as I had 
given up shooting in the fields, he was welcome to the 
dogs and would find them excellent ones." The Minister 
sent to say how sorry he was that his friend was no longer 
enjoying his usual sport, and asked the reason. Hodgson 
gently let the grounds of his annoyance appear in the 
conversation which followed, without laying stress upon 
them. The Prime Minister, who had a hill-man's sense 
of humour, saw that if he was to render the new Resident's 
position isolated it must be by some less paltry plan, and 
for the moment all was geniality and goodwill. The 
Governor-General, however, on hearing of these insolent 
restrictions, directed the Resident to make reprisals by 
refusing passports to Nepalese subjects proceeding to the 
Indian plains. 

Meanwhile the Prime Minister began to discover that 
the death of his old ally and mistress, the Queen-Regent, 
was not an unmixed gain. Official appointments in Nepal, 
from the highest downwards, were nominally for twelve 
months only. The theory was that all public offices were, 
ipso facto, vacated each year and had to be formally re- 
newed. This meant a change of the whole official body, 
or of as many of the officials as the ruling authority chose, 
at the annual ceremony of the Panjani, to exclude. Bhim 
Sen, being the ruling authority, had had his Prime- 

1 Secret Consultations, No. 24, of March 5th, 1833. India Office MSS. 

>tTAT 62 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 131 

Ministership renewed as a matter of course during the 
previous twenty-eight years from 1805. But he took 
advantage of the custom to render the civil and military 
services entirely dependent on his favour, and removable 
at his will. There was, however, a dynastic party of 
" royal kinsmen " l in Nepal whose claims the Queen- 
Regent had wisely respected. Her death set free the 
Prime Minister from this restraint, and he promptly used 
his freedom. " So heavy a hand has Bhim Sen for the 
last thirty years laid - on the Ncpalcse chiefs," says the 
official record for 1833, "that, palpable and shameful as is 
his usurpation for years past of their rights, and now of the 
Raja's aKo, not one of them dares confront him openly." 3 

It had not occurred to Bhiin Sen that the custom of 
annually vacating all officrs a. the Panjani could be ap- 
plied to his own. He was now to find that the death of 
the clear-headed old Queen was allowing new forces to 
spring into existence with which he would have to reckon. 

Hodgson saw the change coming, and at once realised 
what it meant alike to the Prime Minister and to the 
British position at Kathmandu. He firmly but courteously 
insisted on his Munshi being admitted to the Raja's pre- 
sence, when sent on business from the Residency direct to 
the Prince. Without the right of direct audience it was 
impossible to know whether the communications of the 
British Government ever reached the Raja's ears. Within 
a month after he became Resident he submitted a confi- 
dential letter in his own handwriting to the Governor- 
General on " the state of parties in Nepal." Having 
described the relations of the Resident to the Raja 
with whom our treaty was made in 1816, he proceeds as 
follows : 4 

1 Generally but somewhat loosely spoken of as " the Chauntrias," of 
whom we shall presently hear more. 

* The word is written lived in the MS. Consultations. 

3 Resident of Nepal to Political Secretary to Government of India, 
December I9th, \%^. India Office MSS. 

4 The Resident to the Political Secretary to Government, dated 


"A long minority followed his death, which minority 
has just expired, and during it all our intercourse has been 
with the Minister who, it seems, has grown so great by 
virtue of two minorities (with but a short interval between 
them), and thirty years of almost uninterrupted sovereign 
sway, that he cannot now subside into a subject and is 
determined to keep the Raja a cypher, as in his nonage, 
both with respect to power and to observance also as far 
as possible. Almost every office is filled with Bhim Sen's 
creatures ; he and his family monopolise all the loaves and 
fishes. Mere children * of his kindred hold high commands. 
The ancient families of the Pandis and others who, by the 
constitution of this State, are entitled to share its counsels 
and exercise its highest offices, are excluded almost wholly 
from the one and other, besides being treated with habitual 
contumely by Matabar Singh, Bhim Sen's overbearing and 
heedless nephew. 

" The Raja is hemmed into his palace, beyond which he 
cannot stir unaccompanied by the Minister, and then only 
to the extent of a short ride or drive. Even within the 
walls of his palace, the Minister and his brother both 
reside, the latter in the especial capacity of * dry nurse ' to 
His Highness. 

" Last year the Raja desired to make an excursion into 
the lower hills to shoot. He was prevented by all sorts of 
idle tales and obstructions. This year he proposed visit- 
ing his palace at Nayakot, the winter residence of his 
fathers ; again he was prevented as before. Of power he 
has not a particle, nor seems to wish it. Of patronage he 
has not a fraction ; and is naturally galled at this, as well 
as at being sentinelled all round by Bhim Sen's creatures 
even within his own abode, at being debarred from almost 

February i8th, 1833. The letter is too long for quotation in full, and I 
omit passages and proper names not essential to understanding the 
general situation. India Office MSS. 

1 E.g. Colonel Shamsher Singh, aged 13, and Colonel Bahadur Jang, 
aged 12 years. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 133 

all liberty of locomotion, and of intercourse with the 
Sirdars and gentry of the country. 

"In segregating him from his own gentry very plain and 
gross means are used ; in segregating him from us, it is 
necessary to be more decorous and indirectly to effect the 
object. Non-intercourse is called the established etiquette 
of the Court. AH sorts of idle rumours and fictions arc 
employed to alarm him in respect both to our personal 
qualities and public designs. If he would go into the 
Tarai, he is told that the Feringhis will seize the oppor- 
tunity of taking the valley whilst the troops arc in 
honorary attendance upon him. Does he propose visiting 
Nayakot? He is informed that the Resident in his com- 
pnny will spy out the iiakedncs:, of the hind. 

"The Feringhis (it is ctcrnr.iy rung into his car) have 
se"i7cd and conquered all [India] : they arc the ablest and 
most designing of men ; they have been kept eighteen 
years from devouring Nepal solely by the unparalleled 
vigilance and energy of Bhim Sen. All pleasant com- 
munications from and with the Residency arc studiously 
thrown into the shade. All unpleasant ones, however 
trivial, arc studiously glared upon the eyes of the Raja 
and of the other chiefs, not a soul among whom nor any 
attendant of theirs or of the Raja's being suffered to come 
near the Residency and learn the simple verity. And in 
this state of things any fiction, however gross, relative to 
our characters or views may be made to tell more or less 
with the naturally proud and suspicious Sirdars, and with 
the hopeless little recluse who occupies the throne. 

11 The Raja has been purposely so trained as to possess 
little energy of body or mind, so that had not his wife 
turned out an ambitious woman he would probably have 
submitted quietly to political nonentity, or but for her 
vigilance have been spirited into his grave as soon as he 
had begot a successor. 

"But his wife is both spirited and clever, and she is 
incessantly upbraiding him for suffering himself to be 


mewed up in his palace and rendered a mere idol (mater 
kodeota) for occasional exposure to the worship of the 
multitude. The Raja has already learnt from her to feel 
indignant at his personal insignificance and at this state of 
surveillance and restraint, and it seems probable that the 
continued operation of these expostulations, backed by 
hints from his nobles and chiefs, will ere long make his 
political nonentity especially in respect to patronage 
equally galling to him. Perhaps from prudence, much 
more likely from habitual dependence, the Raja has as yet 
most charily and slowly manifested signs of disgust, and 
his wife, irritated by his slowness, has, it is said, avowed to 
his friends her resolution to claim the rule of the kingdom 
in his name as the mother of two male children, in case he 
cannot soon be moved to assert either his personal or 
political liberty. 

" During the Panjani just terminated, there was however 
a sort of pause, and the Premier was reinvested with 
the ensigns of his office. Other trivial indications have 
appeared within the last twelve months, and if they could 
be relied on as evidence of a deliberate design to strip 
Bhim Sen of his power, the counsels which dictated this 
cautious mode of procedure must be acknowledged to be 
consummately prudent. For Bhim Sen and his family 
monopolise the whole military command of the kingdom 
with the exception of the province of Sali. Almost every 
office is filled with the Minister's creatures ; and his long 
and exclusive direction of affairs has denuded the opposite 
party of all experience as well as all power and patronage. 

" Nevertheless no one knows better than Bhim Sen 
that, though the soldiery have been taught to look to 
him alone for pay and employ, they are too national not 
to abandon him at once for their Prince, if the Raja 
(as his grandfather in similar circumstances actually did) 
possessed the nerve to make a direct appeal to them 
against the Minister. And however Bhim Sen may have 
fortified himself by alliances, he cannot but be sensible 

vin.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 135 

that the Gurkhali oligarchy possess a weight of adverse 
right which needs only to be put in motion by the sovereign 
himself to crush him and his family to pieces. 

" Lastly, the members of Bhim Sen's family are not 
cordially united with him, except Matabar Singh and 
he is too headstrong to be trusted. 

" All these circumstances have combined to render 
Bhim Sen of late provokingly captious and suspicious 
towards us ; lest, I suppose, the Raja should perchance 
be undeceived as to the figments palmed on him relative 
to our personal impracticability and political dishonesty. 
The Minister, in defiance of custom alike and of decency, 
would now restrict still further the very little direct 
commerce ever nmintancd between the Resident and 
the Maharaja. 

41 The Minister is a $>rcat man and an able one, whose 
talents and energy constitute our best stay. Everything 
consistent with rectitude and the maintenance of a neutral 
policy should be willingly conceded to him. But there 
is too little justice in his monopoly of all power and all 
observance on the one hand, and on the other too much 
fraud in the use he makes of the utter ignorance of us 
to which he has reduced the opposite party, including 
the Prince and the mass of the gentry, to suffer us either 
in equity or in policy to allow him just now to raise fresh 
obstacles in the way of the very trivial intercourse we 
have ever maintained directly with the Court. With 
prudence and tact we may gradually and noiselessly recur 
to the model of Mr. Gardner's and the late Raja's inter- 
course, at least in matters of form, and must leave its 
adoption in matters of business to events and the pleasure 
of the Darbar. 

" Distressing indeed it may be to witness the subordinate 
condition of the sovereign and the almost degraded lot of 
the gentry ; but the affair is their own, not ours. We 
can but follow their movements, and are only concerned 
not quietly to acquiesce in a yet more restricted intercourse 


with ourselves, because usage is against the further 
restriction, and because an unfair use would be made of 
it to our injury. 

"The spirit of the Royal and Ministerial parties may 
be conceived from the fact that the Raja, having fallen ill 
last rains, resolutely and against all possible exertions of 
influence refused to employ the Court physician, from an 
avowed fear of being poisoned or otherwise made away 
with, as he said his father and grandfather had been, by 
Bhim Sen's procurement. The quarrels of the faculty and 
the disgrace of the Court physician made the matter 
public ; and I am sorry to say the general opinion was 
that the Raja's allegation was true in all its parts both 
as respected himself and his father. The physician is a 
creature of the Minister's, and has now held the office of 
Raj Vaidya for thirty years. 

" Parties animated by such sentiments towards each 
other as the above anecdote reveals must be warily 
avoided. Whilst we maintain a cordial intercourse with 
Bhim Sen so long as he can keep his seat proprio vigore, 
we must endeavour to act so as, despite the non-intercourse 
chicane, to convince all parties that we are sincerely and 
utterly indifferent and impartial, and are disposed to 
cultivate equally friendly relations with all or any which 
may stand forth as the constituted authority. 

" I have, etc. 

"(Signed) B. H. HODGSON, Resident. 

"NEPAL RESIDENCY, Febt-uary iSth, 1833. 

" P.S. This letter has been copied for obvious reasons 
with my own hand, and I need hardly say it should be 
placed for some time in special deposit, out of the reach of 
all clerks and office people. (Signed) B. H. H., Resident." 

I have quoted from this confidential report at some 
length, for it not only sets forth with clearness the political 
situation with which Hodgson had to deal, but also the 
principles which from the beginning and throughout the 

VIIL] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 137 

whole ten years of his Rcsidentship regulated his own 
conduct His aim was to secure that the communications 
of his Government should reach in an ungarbled form the 
responsible head of the Nepalesc State. As the Raja had 
now entered on his twentieth year (1833-34), he was held 
to have attained his majority, and however he might be 
kept under the influence of the Prime Minister it was with 
the Raja himself that the British Government claimed the 
right to deal. 

Before the year 1833 passed Hodgson's estimate of the 
situation was justified by the event. The Raja, backed 
by his chief wife, began to assert his authority, and an 
opposition to Bhim Sen organised within the palace was 
eagerly joined by the nobility cutsidc. The elder of the 
Raja's two wives made advan .es to Hodgson with a view 
to obtaining the support of the Residency against the 
Minister ; but to all such overtures, from whatever side, 
Hodgson turned a deaf ear. The Raja in vain urged the 
Prime Minister to give up some of his offices as sops to 
the opposition. The Panjani of 1833, or annual vacating 
of offices which Bhim Sen had used so long and so 
effectively against his opponents, was now turned against 
himself. The Raja let the festival go past without re- 
appointing him, but also without nominating any one in 
his place. All public business remained in abeyance, and 
although after a time the Raja reluctantly rcappointcd 
Bhim Sen as Prime Minister, it was felt that a new era 
had begun in Nepalese politics and in the Nepalcse 
relations with the British power. 

Each party in the State commenced to intrigue for 
support from without. At the end of 1833 Hodgson had 
to report the arrival of a secret letter from the Sikh ruler 
Ranjit Singh "which was deemed to be too important to 
be entrusted to the perusal of the Court Munshi." ! News 
also reached Nepal of a projected invasion of India by 

1 The Resident to the Political Secretary to Government, dated 
December I9th, 1833. India Office MSS. 


Persia and Russia. Forthwith the Nepalese Court des- 
patched " an experienced spy " to Lahore and Teheran, 
and opened up clandestine negotiations with several of the 
great landholders within our own frontier. The rumoured 
Russian invasion of India proved to be merely a rumour ; 
but a confederacy between Nepal and the Sikhs the two 
Hindu powers who retained their independence on our 
north and north-western frontier opened up a vista of 
dangerous contingencies. 

In 1834 a fresh outburst of military aggressiveness took 
place in Nepal on the report of " our having marched the 
whole of our available force to the westward against Man 
Singh of Jodhpur, and thereby having left our territories 
on the Nepal frontier unprotected." " The Darbar," 
Hodgson reported, " as far as Bhim Sen could influence 
its sentiments, would hail the demonstration with joy, and 
would be ready to second it the moment such a course 
could be taken with any degree of prudence." ! " This 
feeling, however, was quickly crushed by the news of the 
capitulation of Jodhpur." The barometer of Nepalese 
hostility against us, as he pithily puts it, rises or falls with 
each rumour of our being in trouble with other States. 

It must be borne in mind that the war party was 
the one permanent party in Nepal. As I have already 
explained, all the non-servile population (except the 
Brahmans) were hereditary soldiers whose only career was 
arms. An appeal to the military instincts of the Nepalese 
was, therefore, always a popular appeal. From 1816 to 
1832 Bhim Sen supported by the old Queen-Regent 
had held undisputed sway, and he had made only such 
moderate concessions to the national military proclivities 
as >might keep him on fair terms with his countrymen while 
pursuing his own ends. But in the struggle for the Prime- 
Ministership which began to develop after the death of the 
Queen-Regent in 1832, not only he but every one of his 

1 The Resident to the Political Secretary to the Government of India, 
dated December I9th f 1833. India Office MSS. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 139 

rivals had to court the aid of the military castes. The 
British Residency was the centre of the opposite or peace 
influences. Bhim Sen had experienced a British war, and 
as long as he was left to himself he was resolved not to 
repeat the experience. He had therefore, while secured 
by the prestige of the old Queen-Regent, only used the 
war party as a convenience. He now found that his rivals 
were bidding for the support of the war party in eager 

It soon became a race as to who should gratify with 
most disregard to ulterior consequences the war instincts 
of the ruling castes. This state of things lasted, amid 
revolutions and massacies, from the death of the Queen- 
Regent in 1832 dr>\vn to the establishment of Jang Baha- 
dui's power in 1^45, when, by \ frowning butchery, Nepal 
started once again under the rule of an absolute Prime 
Minister. During the intermediate thirteen years the 
war party was the supreme party in Nepal. Throughout 
the first ten and most aggressive years it fell to Hodgson's 
lot to maintain peace. 

Bhim Sen's appeal to the martial spirit of the chiefs fur 
a time brought him fresh strength. In spite of the Raja's 
failing support and of the open hostility of his principal 
queen, the commencement of 1834 disclosed "Bhim Sen 
and his family in the possession of every provincial 
command throughout Nepal, with the exception of the 
government of Doti, which was held by a Chauntria or 
collateral member of the Royal Family." l The Prime 
Minister accordingly began the year in no mood for 
arrangements with a view to promote commerce with 
India or to secure n legal status to British subjects trading 
in Nepal. Negotiations went on nevertheless, for Bhim 

1 Secret Consultations, No. 74, of January i8th, 1841. India Office 
MSS. Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu to 
Government from 1830 to 1840, compiled by the Assistant Resident 
Mr. J. R. Tickell, and forwarded by the Resident B. H. Hodgson, to 
T. H. Maddock, Secretary to the Government of India. 


Sen shrewdly surmised that he might ultimately have to 
look to British support. Nor was Hodgson without hope 
that he on his side might utilise this incipient sense of 
weakness to secure better terms for Indians trading in 

The discussions as to the British boundary line pro- 
gressed. But negotiations for delivering up robbers who 
had fled from our districts into Nepal proved fruitless, 
while those for an international judicial procedure remained 
at a dead-lock. The Nepalese did not object to British 
subjects being tried according to our procedure, but they 
insisted that in certain cases the punishment should be 
according to theirs. Thus a Gurkha soldier " should take 
the same vengeance on a British subject as he was per- 
mitted by the laws of his country [to take] on a Nepalese, 
if convicted of adulterous intercourse with his wife ; i.e. 
cut his head off on the earliest opportunity. The incom- 
patibility of this clause with our ideas of retributive justice," 
adds the report somewhat magniloquently, " suspended for 
a time the negotiation." 

Hodgson was more successful in his attempts to arrange 
a commercial treaty with Nepal. As the year 1834 went 
on, Bhim Sen received another hint that his supremacy 
was on the wane, and he began to realise more clearly that 
he might need the Resident's support. The balance 
accordingly swung back in favour of Hodgson's projects 
of a closer union of interests between India and Nepal. 
In November the Nepalese Court finally agreed to the draft 
of a commercial treaty with the British Government 
which, although not all that Hodgson desired, marked an 
important step towards it. A moderate customs tariff 
was to be established, Nepal with characteristic haughti- 
ness claiming a difference in her favour. Speedy justice 
was to be rendered to merchants in case of fiscal extor- 
tions. Above all, appeals in such cases were to be referred 
through the Resident. 1 Hodgson was able to forward the 

1 The Nepalese proposals ran as follows: ist. The produce and 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 141 

treaty for consideration by his Government in March 1835, 
and although not then accepted, it furnished a basis for a 
somewhat improved modus vivendi between the Resident 
and the Ncpalcse Court. 

Hodgson also took advantage of the Prime Minister's 
oscillation towards a better understanding with the British 
to seek redress for a long-standing currency grievance. 
Till then Nepal had refused to allow the re-export of any 
British-Indian coin that once crossed its frontier. Our 
high-standard rupees, when paid in Nepal, were swept 
into the mint and recast in the Nepalesc coinage, which 
contiined so much alloy as to preclude its passing current 
even in the British districts close to the border. The 
Nepalcse merchants liad therefore no currency in which 
they could pay for British irn^ojts, and such imports had 
cither to be bartered for Ncpalcse products, or adjusted 
by the secret illegal conveyance of British rupees out of 
Nepal. This impediment to international commerce 
Hodgson now tried to remove, but had yet to bide his 
time. Nepal still refused to permit the re-export of any 

manufactures of Nepal and Tibet to pay a duty of 4 per cent 
Kuldar, ad valorem, in the British provinces ; and British and Hindustan 
produce, an import duty at Nepal of 5 per cent Muhindra Mulli 
rupees, ad valorem ', according to the market rates in Nepal. 2nd. No 
other or further duty to be paid in either State on any conditions. 
3rd. The entire duty above-mentioned to be levied and paid at once. 
4th. Proposes a limited number of Custom-Houses in either State, of 
which a list is given, seventeen in British India and twenty-one in 
Nepal. 5th. Provides for the punishment of any Customs Officers 
infringing the provisions of Clause 2. 6th. Speedy justice to be 
available to merchants of either State on any ground of complaint 
arising from extortion, etc., of Customs Officers in British India or 
Nepal. 7th. Appeals from the decisions of the collectors of Customs 
in either State to be referred through the Resident. 8th. Lists of the 
produce of either State to be prepared and authenticated by the 
Governor-General and Raja of Nepal, and goods hitherto free of duty 
to remain so. 9th. The treaties of 1792 and 1801 A.D. to be considered 
rescinded. Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu to 
the Government of India, from 1830 to 1840, compiled by Mr. J. R. 
Tickell, para. 18. 


British-Indian coinage that once passed its Customs' 

While these negotiations were going on, Bhim Sen 
received the first unmistakable warning of his coming 
downfall. He represented the great Nepalesc house of 
the Thappas, which he had raised to supremacy on the 
ruins of another powerful family the Kala Pandis. The 
Pandis had been all-powerful at the beginning of the 
century, and it was with Damodar Pandi as Prime Minister 
that our envoy Captain Knox treated in 1801. Knox 
described Damodar Pandi as a man " possessing a plain 
sober understanding, moderation with great firmness, void 
of artifice, and as a soldier unrivalled in Nepal for 
gallantry and conduct." 1 He and his house were soon 
afterwards destroyed by Bhim Sen. The murder of the 
King in 1805 left the Queen-Regent and Bhim Sen in 
absolute power, and the Pandis broken by beheadings, 
exile, and confiscation. During thirty years the latter did 
not dare to reassert themselves, and the chief rivals of 
Bhim Sen since the Queen-Regent's death in 1832 had been 
those of his own household. His younger brother Ranbir 
Singh ingratiated himself with the boy-King, says Hodg- 
son, as "the constant attendant on his childhood," and 
on the death of the Queen-Regent he became General 
Commandant of the Nepal Army. Not content with this 
important office, he incited the young King to join with 
him in ousting his elder brother Bhim Sen from the Prime- 
Ministership, in the hope of securing the reversion for 

Two years of family intrigue followed, in which a 
nephew of the Prime Minister, Matabar Singh, also came 
to the front as a staunch supporter of the Prime Minister 
in his efforts to curb Ranbir's ambition. If Ranbir enjoyed 
the secret favour of the King, Matabar had the enthusiastic 
support of the troops, with, whom his youth and gallant 

1 Quoted in Campbell's official memorandum drawn up under 
Hodgson's supervision in 1837, pp. 9, 17, etc. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 143 

bearing made him a favourite. In 1834 he received a 
check through the influence of Ranbir. But " such was the 
popularity he enjoyed among the Gurkha soldiery that on 
his resigning the command of the two battalions formerly 
under him, the whole of them with the exception of two 
hundred men laid down their arms, refusing to serve under 
any other leader." ' The King became afraid, tried to con- 
ciliate Matabar, and in November 1834 appointed him 
General Commanding the Eastern Districts with 3,000 
troops. So far the old Prime Minister and his loyal 
nephew had held their own in the family intrigue. 

Th*; year 1834 was not to close, however, without reveal- 
ing that the Prime Minister had enemies very different 
from those of his cnvu house. The heir of the Pandis, 
whom Bhim Sen had ruined ar Jjcxilcd in the early years 
of the century, suddenly came forward, and petitioned the 
King for the restitution of the family honours and estates. 
" This sudden revival of claims nearly extinct for thirty- 
one years, and after so complete an extirpation as the Kala 
Pandis had undergone through means of the very man 
now paramount in the State, struck all with astonishment." a 
The boldness of the measure, together with the favourable 
manner in which the Raja received the petition, seemed to 
the Resident to indicate some secret influence in the 
palace. As a matter of fact the Pandis had secured the 
support of the Raja's senior or principal wife. " From this 
date may be reckoned the commencement of a counter- 
revolution and of those intrigues of the Kala Pandis which 
eventually succeeded so well in the overthrow of their rival 
[Bhim Sen], and in repaying the cruelties which they had 
themselves suffered at his hands." a 

By the beginning of 1835 seven factions had developed 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu, para. 20. 
Ranbir's corps, when their commander had met with a temporary 
check in his intrigues in December 1833, had done the same thing. 

2 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu, para. 21. 
Secret Consultations. India Office MSS. 3 Idem. 


at the Court of Nepal, all requiring to be carefully 
watched by the Resident, each from time to time 
coquetting for his support, and from time to time making 
appeals to the popular warlike sentiment in Nepal against 
the presence of a foreign representative at their capital. 
Hodgson had the delicate task of maintaining an attitude 
of dignified non-interference towards them all, which 
should not improperly pledge his Government on the 
one hand, nor give offence on the other. The principal 
dramatis persona in the series of tragedies that followed 
may be briefly enumerated. 

First, the faineant King ambitious of becoming actual 
ruler, at first with the help of Ranbir Singh the brother 
and rival of the Prime Minister, subsequently with the aid 
of the Pandi faction hostile to the Prime Minister's whole 
clan. After suffering many degradations, the poor King 
was finally deposed in 1847, and died a State prisoner. 

Second, the King's chief wife, known as the Senior 
Queen, who tried to assert her authority by the help of the 
Pandis. After furious outbursts in which she more than 
once quitted the palace in a rage, she died on her way into 
exile, as rumoured at the time from poison, but apparently 
from jungle-fever caught on her flight towards the Indiar 
plains in 1841. 

Third, the King's second wife, known as the Junio 
Queen, who hoped to rise to power by supporting th 
Thappas (the clan of the Prime Minister Bhim Sen), an* 
by opposing the Pandis. After a long struggle she ob 
tained her full political rights as Queen in January 184; 
restored the Thappas with the gallant Matabar as Prim 
Minister, lost her power on his assassination in 1845, an 
was afterwards exiled to the Indian plains. 

Fourth, the Chauntrias, or collateral branches of tf 
royal race with hereditary claims to high office. Kej 
down during the long supremacy of Bhim Sen, they r 
asserted their rights as his power waned, and secured tl 
Prime-Ministership for their clan more than once after I 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 14$ 

fall, but lost their leaders by exile and assassination, and 
finally went down in the great massacre of 1846. 

Fifth, the Thappa family, headed by the Prime Minister 
Bhim Sen who after a six years 1 struggle to maintain his 
power since the death of the old Queen-Regent was 
degraded in 1837, and cut his throat in prison to avoid 
torture in 1839. His rival brother Ranbir became a fakir, 
or wandering mendicant, to save his life. His gallant 
acphew Matabar, after long exile, obtained the Prime- 
Ministcrship through the influence of the Junior Queen in 
December 1843, an< ^ was murdered in 1845. 

Six f h, the rival family of the Pandis, who had been 
crushed for thirty years by Bhim Sen. Headed by 
Kan jang, the son of the Prime Minister murdered at the 
beginning of the century, they bc^an to reclaim their rights 
in 1834. By the palace intrigues of the Senior Queen, 
Ranjang obtained more than once the Primc-Ministcrship, 
and after many murders perished himself in the general 
slaughter and exile of the Pandis in 1843. His principal 
kinsmen were beheaded. The aged Ranjang " was brought 
to the place of execution, but being in a dying state, he 
was merely shown to the people and then removed to his own 
house, where he died naturally a few hours afterwards." 

Seventh, the Brahman party, in turn allied and opposed 
to all the foregoing factions of the military castes. Un- 
justly kept out of their hereditary appointments, the 
Brahmans emerged with Raghunath Pandit as their leader 
on the downfall of Bhim Sen. During the confusion which 
followed, the hostile factions allowed Raghunath Pandit 
to obtain the Prime-Ministcrship till each could gather 
its own forces. The Brahman, however, discovered the 
times to be too perilous for a man of peace, and finding 
himself unsupported even by the poor King soon resigned 
the premiership. He reappeared from time to time, 
especially as chief of a coalition ministry in 1840 ; always 
keeping out of harm's way, and content to retire to the 
safe seclusion of a religious life whenever danger threatened 



All these factions came in their turn to the front amid 
palace intrigues and massacres during Hodgson's Resident- 
ship from 1833 to 1843. Each did its best to establish its 
power by destroying its rivals, and, with the exception of 
the Brahman party, each when its time arrived shared the 
common fate of slaughter and ruin. The ablest and most 
confident of the rival ministers Matabar Singh, when he 
finally established his supremacy, told the Resident that 
since the foundation of the Nepalese dynasty every Prime 
Minister had met with a violent death, but that, for his 
own part, " he hoped he would escape." One dark night, 
less than three months later, his mangled corpse was let 
down by a rope into the street from a window of the 
palace. 1 

While these homicidal politicians were struggling up to 
power, murdering each other and in their turn getting 
murdered, a youth was silently watching the blood-stained 
arena. Jang Bahadur, a grand-nephew of Bhim Sen, 
managed to elude the Pandi sleuth-hounds on the destruc- 
tion of his grand-uncle in 1839. He obtained the judicial 
office of Kaji, but led a life of self-contained retirement. 
He accompanied his long-exiled uncle Matabar Singh on 
his triumphant return to Nepal in February 1843, Hodgson's 
last year of office, and plunged on his own account into 
the game of intrigue and massacre. After the slaughter 
of the Pandis in that year, the murder of Matabar Singh 
in 1845, the dethronement of the King in 1847, and other 
assassinations and exiles too numerous to recount, Jang 
Bahadur emerged the final winner, and retained to the 
end of his life as Prime Minister the almost supreme 
authority which his grand-uncle Bhim Sen had exercised 
for a third of a century. 

I have explained the factions and intrigues which made 
up Nepalese politics between the decline of Bhim Sen's 
power in 1835 and the ascendency of Jang Bahadur in 

1 Oldfield's Sketches from Nepal pp. 343-346, Vol. I. Ed. 1880. 
This was in 1845, after Hodgson left Kathmandu. 

VIIL] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 147 

1847, as it fell to Hodgson to deal with them in their most 
acute stages. His cheery letters home made light of the 
difficulties and dangers of his position. But the official 
records of the Government of India prove how real those 
difficulties and dangers were. Meanwhile the rise of the 
rival faction of the Pandis in 1834 led Bhim Sen to realise 
yet more clearly that the Resident, who represented the 
interests of external peace and of the royal authority 
within Nepal, might be used as a prop for his tottering 
power. Accordingly the spring of 1835 witnessed a new 
inclination on the part of the Nepalesc Court, still under 
Bhirr> Sen's Prime-Ministership, to agree to the commercial 
and judicial arrangrments which Hodgson had so long 
urged as the surest means of arriving at an understanding 
between Nepal and the British Government. 

In May 1835 Hodgson wrote jubilantly to his steadfast 
correspondent I-ady D'Oyly, who had been urging him to 
seek a more conspicuous career than he could hope for 
in Nepal. He may be forgiven if he mistook the 
rapprochement of the moment for a permanent improve- 
ment in the attitude of the Nepalesc Court. " The Darbar 
is growing exceedingly civil, and I have now at last a 
prospect of seeing the realisation of those hopes which 
have buoyed me up these ten years. I think I have by 
unwearied kindness and confidence melted the rock of 
Gurkha alienation and jealousy ; and if so, I shall be, 
ere long, able to turn the Darbar away from its suicidal 
prosecution of the old policy of wars of aggression, and 
to induce it gradually to accommodate its institutions to 
its circumstances, as fixed by the late war with us. Let 
me succeed in this ; and I shall have the pleasure of 
reflecting hereafter that, in my public career, I did a real 
and great service to my Government, and one which no 
other officer could have done. For my influence is the 
result of very long intimacy with the people, backed by 
untiring forbearance and kindness, despite of numberless 
absurd demonstrations of fiertf on their part 


"Government little understand the matter, and my 
anticipations of applause from that quarter are too 
feeble to admit of disappointment My own conscience 
and judgment, however, will richly reward me, and whilst 
I live I shall reflect with delight that I saved a gallant 
and ignorant people from the precipice on which they 
were rushing by force of national habits and incapacity 
to survey comprehensively their relative situation. You 
would ' as soon be a cabbage as live in Nepal.' Eh dien, 
Eliza ! there is no disputing about tastes. To me the 
possible realisation of the aim and object I have just 
named affords a stimulus too high for words to convey. 

"The other day when an amiable old chief answered 
me with tears, whilst I explained the friendly purpose of 
some of my past earnest and even stern warnings, rejoicing 
that at last they seemed to have taken effect when the 
good old man embraced me and told me that I should 
long be remembered as the saviour of Nepal I felt that 
those words and expressions of his were indeed (in Scott's 
language) ' worth living for.' Eliza ! I have seen your eye 
kindle and beam with the energy of the immortal spirit 
within at a fictitious tale of generous devotion : have you 
no sympathy for the reality? 

"But this strain is somewhat too high. I quit it to 
allude to other respects in which Nepal has real and 
rational charms for me for any one of cultivated mind 
and self-resource. What say you to its delicious climate, 
its glorious scenery, with the enduring, accessible, and 
iicaithlui gratifications inseparable from them? What 
say you to the possession of leisure by a servant of the 
public? what to duties free from all tedious and petty 
routine-labour ? 

" I waive the commonplaces on retirement but there 
is truth in them, or they had never been commonplace ! 
And, for my part, as I sit at this moment in my study 
with my cheek fanned by the most temperate of breezes, 
and my eye filled with the splendid garniture of Mount 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 1833-1839. 149 

Arjun, I could almost consent to live and die here and 
should never cast a longing look towards tho third-rate 
society of all our Indian stations, Calcutta excepted. I 
am naturally of too eager a temperament for either the 
fiery clime or the killing labours of office bclo\v; and 
many a time have I blessed God that He \vas pleased to 
cast my official lot in Nepal. Adieu ; cherish my brother 
William for my sake, and believe that whilst I live I never 
cease to love and honour you. Yours most affectionately, 


During the course of this year 1835 Khim Sen seemed 
resolved to conciliate the British Resident by acts as well 
as by words. The Nepal Court issued an order under the 
Red Seal of the King, Commanding its warden of the 
marches to deliver up to our authorities a famous leader 
of banditti who had long committed depredations in the 
Company's territories with the connivance of the Nepalese 
frontier officers. Certain of the higher and military castes 
had hitherto been exempted by Ncpalcsc law from suffer- 
ing death for capital crimes. This privilege enabled them 
to plunder with impunity on the border. Hodgson's 
remonstrances were at length successful in obtaining the 
abolition of an immunity which acted as a direct incentive to 
crime. The Prime Minister published a royal proclamation 
warning all Nepalese subjects residing on the frontier that 
they should hereafter be punished according to the gravity 
of their offences, without regard to their rank or caste. 

The King, under Bhim Sen's prompting, even proposed 
to send the Prime Minister's nephew on a conciliatory 
mission to England " as a traveller desirous of seeing all 
the wonders reported of that country, and to manifest the 
entire confidence placed on British faith in thus throwing 
into their hands the life and honour of one of their 
principal chiefs." l 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu to Govern- 
ment. Tickell's Memorandum. Secret Consultations^ India Office. 


Pending the permission of the British Government, the 
said nepfrew, Matabar Singh, was despatched with presents 
to th^' 'Governor-General in Calcutta and letters for the 
KiiVgof England. He started in November 1835 for the 
Indian plains with a splendid retinue of 650 picked troops, 
a little army of followers, and forty elephants. The idea 
of a visit to England faded away when he was informed 
that he could be permitted to go only as a private traveller, 
and that all public communications with the British sove- 
reign must pass through the Resident and the Government 
of India. But he returned to Nepal in March 1836 de- 
lighted with the courtesies shown to him in Calcutta. 

It seemed as if Hodgson had at length succeeded in 
making the Nepalese Court sincerely desirous of our 
friendship. At that time the Acting Governor-General 
Lord Metcalfe was urging on measures for the extirpation 
of the gangs of Thugs, or professional stranglers and 
robbers, who had for half a century infested the trade- 
routes of India. The campaign against this widespread 
organisation of murder was chiefly conducted by means 
of captured Thugs who turned informers against their 
brethren. Numbers of the criminal fraternity sought 
refuge beyond the Nepal frontier, but the Nepalese officials 
had hitherto refused to give them up on the evidence of 
informers. In 1836 the King and Prime Minister con- 
sented to accept that evidence as sufficient to warrant the 
surrender of such refugees, provided that the charge was 
corroborated by local testimony in the places where the 
Thug had found shelter. The Nepalese Court saved the 
appearance of making a concession by stipulating for a 
reciprocal surrender by our magistrates of refugee Thugs 
from Nepal a condition little likely to ever come into 
effect, and to which Hodgson agreed with a smile. 

Beyond this sign of amity, however, the Nepalese Court 
declined to go. The proposed treaty of commerce 1 with 
India broke down, as Nepal still insisted on an insolent 
1 Vide ante t pp. 140, 147. 

VHL] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 151 

preference to herself in rates of tariff between the two 
countries. Unsuccessful also were the negotiations to 
secure an equal punishment and reciprocity in jurisdiction 
for offenders belonging to either State. 

Before the year 1836 closed, the Prime Minister received 
yet another warning of downfall. The rival faction of the 
Pandis procured the public arraignment of his nephew 
Matabar Sing 1 ! on the charge of cohabiting with his late 
brother's widow. The inquiry did not proceed, but the 
accuser escaped scathless. The pecuniary necessities of 
the royal family also began to bear heavily on the Prime 
Minister. The King had now six children, one of them 
nearly marriageable, and the growing expenses of the 
palace involved ictrenchments in the public service. The 
established custom was t j .pay many of the officials and 
military commanders by grants of land. These grants 
had been allotted about half a century previously. With 
the increase of the population their money value had 
nearly doubled. The King felt a personal interest in their 
reduction, and Bhim Sen found that, to maintain his 
influence in the palace, he must embark on a policy of 
resumption which the military castes resented as confisca- 
tion. A sum of 140,000 was thus brought into the 
treasury. But the relief to the royal finances did not 
prove so great as had been expected, for the King used 
the money to raise a body-guard which he intended to 
ultimately number 1,700 men. 

Hodgson had sufficient money troubles of his own at 
this period. The steady drain on his income to support 
his parents' establishment at Canterbury had of late years 
been increased by fitting out his civilian brother Edward, 
helping from time to time his artillery brother William, 
and furnishing the marriage expenses of his sisters. 
Edward's death in July 1835 and William's marriage laid 
further burdens on the bread-winner of the family in Nepal, 
and Hodgson found himself compelled for the first time to 
ask for a respite in the matter of home-remittances. He 


with him. As far back as 1816, just after the war, he had 
been an unsuccessful rival of Bhim Sen for the Prime- 
Ministership. Moreover all judicial offices, the hereditary 
monopoly of the Brahmans, had for some time been given 
to soldiers. Even the Chief- Justiceship was held by a 
captain or lieutenant in the army. 1 About the middle of 
1837 Raghunath, backed by the Brahmans, joined in the 
general scramble for office and secured the Chief- Justice- 
ship, not without rumours of his aspiring to the Premiership 

Such was the situation in June 1837, when Hodgson, at 
the desire of the new Governor-General, Lord Auckland, 2 
drew up a confidential account of the Gurkhas or Nepalese. 
He wrote it according to his custom with his own hand, 
and the original now in my possession makes sixteen 
closely covered pages of large paper. Space compels me 
to quote only a few paragraphs. 3 

" His Lordship is already aware that the Gurkhas are 
eminently national and united ; that their union is recent, 
illustrated by splendid success in arms, and supported by 
the unsophisticated simplicity of the Highland character. 
They have neither arts nor literature, nor commerce, nor 
a rich soil to draw off their attention from arms ; and they 
have that lusty hardihood of character and contempt of 
drudgery which make war especially congenial. 

" I have often said, and now repeat, that when in 1816 
we drew a line round the territory of these men, leaving 
them no outlet save upon ourselves, we should either have 
crippled them effectually or have insisted on a change in 
their institutions, giving the surplus soldiery employment 
in our own armies. We did neither : we did nothing then 
or subsequently ; and we now see the fruits of our mistakes 

1 Excerpts from the tetters of the Resident at Kathmandu. Tickell's 
Memorandum, para. 36. 

* Succeeded Lord Metcalfe in 1836. 

8 Letter from B. H. Hodgson to J. R. Colvin, Esq., Private Secretary 
to the Governor-General, dated June 24th, 1837. 

via.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 155 

or indifference. Rulers arc too apt to fancy that, when 
they make a great effort, the crowning work has been 
achieved once and for all ; and calmly and justly as Lord 
Hastings characterised the people and the war before 
and pending its progress, no sooner was it over than he 
insensibly stole to that conclusion. 

" In the twenty years that we have been here since the 
war, we have s,?en nothing but drills and parades, heard 
nothing but the roar of cannon or the clink of the hammer 
in arsenal or magazine. Soldiers have been and arc heads 
of the law and finance at Kathmandu, and administrators 
of the interior: soldiers have been and arc everything, and 
they are and have been headed by a plenary viceroy (Bhim 
Sen) of that old :;tamp which must support its habitual 
aggression at home by puidering to the soldiery, and 
teaching them to look to aggression abroad. 

" It is a remarkable fact, moreover, that since we had 
first to clo with this Darbar in 1792, we have had to deal 
exclusively with a military mayor of the palace in other 
words with a man having, by the essential tenure of his 
station, one hand against his prince and the other against 
his neighbours. 

" The Raja or head of the Outs is young himself, has 
two young wives and seven young children. Reasonable 
indulgence and addiction to pleasure of various kinds may 
be expected from them, though not from their old and 
iron-minded opponent. And if a young Court once gave 
way to recreation, there would soon be a diversion of funds 
inconsistent with the past and existing sacrifice of all things 
to an inordinate and useless army." 

After describing the various factions in Nepal, he pro- 
ceeds : " But is there no probability of a contest between 
the parties, and would not their cutting each other's throats 
in a civil war be a sufficient security of us? I do not 
expect any strife in the shape of civil war, though the 
chiefs may, more majorum^ draw their swords on each 
other. Nor do I deem it a safe presumption that a civil 


war, if it occurred, would benefit us. Civil wars have 
rather a tendency to feed than to quench martial spirit 
and power ; and if one broke out here, I should expect it 
to be diverted per fas et nefas upon us before it had raged 
three months. But there is no probability of its occurrence. 
The unsophisticated character and eminent nationality of 
the Nepalcsc soldiery, as they have ever stayed domestic 
war in past times, so they doubtless will in the future. 
There is no instance of it in the turbulent history of the 
people ; and, cypher as the Raja has been and still seems 
to be, and omnipotent as the Minister has been and still 
seems to be, no one here doubts that if the former willed 
the death of the latter, the Minister's head would be as 
speedily off as was that of Damodar (the Bhim Sen of 
his day) in 1802. I, therefore, neither expect civil war, 
nor think it could possibly advantage us if it occurred. 
In all human probability it would speedily afford occasion 
for the turbulent and reckless to assault us, come what 
might of the struggle. 

" So long as order prevails so long I think we could, if 
we deemed it expedient, by coming forward distinctly to 
countenance the weaker party at present, give it the pre- 
ponderance. But I would not advise such a proceeding 
unless the Minister were clearly seeking to drive things to 
extremity with us, because he felt that quiet must undo 
him at home. This sort of crisis excepted, I would con- 
tinue looking on merely as heretofore until the expected 
change occur ; or, until having occurred, it produce no 
amendment or promise of amendment. If the change 
come not soon or come without improvement, I would take 
the first fair occasion of a reckoning with Nepal. If the 
change seems to tremble in the balance, wanting but a 
simple manifestation on our part in favour of the legitimate 
head of the State, that manifestation should be made by- 
and-by, and under a distincter probability of quiet efficacy 
than now exists. In the mode there need be no inter- 
ference so called. For we are certainly entitled to have our 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 157 

general views and purposes fairly stated in Darbar, and 
a civil letter from the Governor-General to the Raja, say- 
ing that his Lordship had for some time past expected 
the agreeable news of his Highncss's majority, would, under 
many probable phases of party, suffice." 

Hodgson's prediction that the feuds of the chiefs, how- 
ever deadly to themselves, would not lead to civil war in 
Nepal proved correct. Throughout the military revolutions 
and massacres of the next eight 3 r cars there was not one 
popular rising. The people let the rival nobles kill each 
other, and obeyed whichever friction for the time being 
spoke in the name of royalty. Hodgson also diagnosed 
the situation aright when he declared that the best way of 
maintaining our influence in Nepal was to insist on our 
claim for direct communic .cion with the Raja, who alone 
had a permanent stake in the maintenance of the dynast)*. 
The Resident urged this view not only on the new 
Governor-General Lord Auckland, but also on the great 
Indian statesman who, after acting as Governor-General for 
a year, had been appointed Governor of Agra. 

" I cannot help thinking," he wrote to Sir Charles 
Metcalfe 1 on July isth, 1837, "that unless we mean to 
wait upon Providence, and passively expect another war, 
we ought if need be to insist on effectual access to the 
legitimate head of the State, who has for many reasons by 
far the greatest interest in peace and quiet. All others, 
scrambling for distinction and advancement, must gain 
them by and through the army, which is the beginning, the 
middle, the end. Hence the perpetual interested striving 
of these soldier-ministers to strengthen and increase the 
army. The Raja has suffered as much as we by this 
system ; and the Raja is obviously the only man here who 
has enough of his own, if he can hold it, and has con- 
sequently no interested perpetual craving for personal 
advancement. All others are cupidi novarum rcrum : the 
Raja alone may rest as he is" 

1 Afterwards Lord Metcalfe. 


Lord Auckland adopted these views. In a cordial letter 
through his Private Secretary l he thanked Hodgson for his 
exposition of Nepalese affairs, and declared that "the 
Government is desirous that you should do all that you 
prudently can to acquire and maintain a free personal 
intercourse with the Raja on all matters in which we are 
concerned. It will be a great point gained to win his con- 
fidence, and to give him, by courting frequent and direct 
communication with him, confidence in himself. To seek 
immediate access to him on occasions in which we are 
closely interested is a legitimate object, our measures for 
securing which cannot involve us in the evils which might 
follow, sooner or later, were we to be exposed to any 
suspicion of sharing in the party conflicts by which the 
Darbar is likely to be divided. It will be enough if your 
sentiments on internal affairs be asked for, to aid the Raja 
in keeping the control of the Government in his own 
hands, and in selecting prudent, impartial, and honest 

Before this confirmation of his views could be received, 
Hodgson's policy of steadily looking to the Raja as the 
responsible head of the State (by whatever faction he was 
for the moment controlled) had borne a severe test. In 
July 1837 Ranjang Pandi was publicly reinstated in his 
ancestral possessions, and the nominees to whom Bhim 
Sen had granted them were turned out. Ranjang now 
boldly stood forth as the accuser of the Prime Minister's 
nephew in the charge of incest which had been hushed up 
last year. At the same time the Raja, fearing that the 
army would side with Bhim Sen's family, put a stop to 
the practice of the chiefs moving about with their usual 
military retinues. The Prime Minister's party having thus 
been weakened by partial deprivation of office and stripped 
of their armed followers, an occasion was sought for 
striking the long-meditated blow. 

1 MS. letter from J. R. Colvin, Esq., Private Secretary to the Governor- 
Gencral, dated August 3ist, 1837, to B. H. Hodgson, Esq. 

vm.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 159 

Chance soon gave the opportunity. On July 24th, 1837, 
the Raja's youngest son died suddenly, and a rumour was 
spread that the child had fallen a victim to poison designed 
by Bhim Sen for its mother, the Senior Queen, who was 
the mainstay of the rival Pandi faction. In the panic, 
Ranjang Pandi was appointed Prime Minister. Bhim Sen 
was " seized, ironed, and thrown into prison, while the whole 
of his family were placed under close arrest ; Matabar 
Singh being shortly after ironed in the same manner as 
his uncle." 1 The doctor who attended the child was 
subjected to excruciating agonies till he denounced Bhim 
Sen's party ; he was then crucified. 2 The chief royal 
physicians and the whole kindred of Bhim Sen were in- 
carcerated, " proclaimed outcasts, and their property con- 
fiscated. They were fearfu 1 ' /.tortured to induce them to 
confess, but not a syllabic to criminate any one was 
elicited." 3 As a matter of fact the whole charge was an 
invention trumped up by the Pandis to secure Bhim Sen's 
overthrow, as they themselves confessed six years later. 4 

The revolution was no sooner completed than the 
conspirators feared they had gone too far. The dynastic- 
party of " royal collaterals " ; ' remonstrated with the King. 
Ranjang the Pandi was forced to make over the Primc- 
Ministcrship to Raghunath the Brahman. The chief royal 
physician, who had been branded with a hot iron and out- 
casted, was restored to favour. Bhim Sen and his nephew 
Matabar were released. But the aged Minister's spirit 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu to 
Government. Tickell's Memorandum, para. 38. 

* This is the word used in Tickell's Memorandum, para. 42, when 
referring back in 1839 to ^ ie transaction, both in the original MS. and 
in the printed office copy. The physician is merely said to have been 
" tortured to death " in para 38 of the same manuscript report. 

3 Oldfield's Sketches Jrom NfpaJ, Vol. I., p. 310. Ed. 1880. 1 
have not found documentary evidence at the India Office that torture 
was on this occasion applied to Bhim Sen or his relatives. But Dr. 
Oldfield, as Resident Surgeon at Kathmandu, had access to the local 

4 Idem., p. 336. 5 The Chauntrias. 


was broken. On his being brought into the Darbar " the 
old man fell on his face at the Raja's feet and was forgiven, 
with the restoration to him of his garden house, which had 
been confiscated during the late commotion, and the settle- 
ment of a pension of Rs. 3,000." * A few days later he 
had another audience from the Raja and even from his 
inveterate enemy the Senior Queen. He received a dress 
of honour and a caparisoned horse, and " returned to his 
garden house followed by crowds of soldiers and by the 
people of the city." 2 

The new Brahman Prime Minister astutely used the 
fallen statesman as a support against the Pandis, now his 
chief rivals for power. The ruined relatives of Bhim Sen 
were honourably received at Court, and attended through 
the city by enthusiastic crowds "cheering them to their 
thresholds." 3 It almost seemed as if the violence of the 
Pandi was to be checkmated by the craft of the Brahman. 
Ranjang Pandi, alarmed by the popular demonstrations in 
favour of Bhim Sen, asked leave from the Raja to retire 
to a religious life at Benares. But the Raja, apprehensive 
that the complete withdrawal of the Pandi would leave 
the other factions too powerful, refused, and accused 
Ranjang of veiling under a pretended pilgrimage to 
Benares his intention to seek service with the Sikh ruler 
at Lahore. His Highness hinted at another turn of 
fortune's wheel, and so kept the Pandi faction in reserve 
for any occasion which might arise. 

One of the first acts of the Brahman Prime Minister 
was to remodel the military organisation on which Bhim 
Sen had rested his power. The masses of troops hitherto 
concentrated in the capital were dispersed throughout the 
country. Large numbers were sent to strengthen the 
frontier garrisons ; 3,000 infantry with artillery were 
marched off to stations in the interior. But military inno- 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu. Tickell's 
Memorandum, para. 39. 
f Ide.m. t para. 40. 3 Idem. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. l6l 

vations are apt to be unpopular, and the politic Brahman 
shifted to the shoulders of the Raja whatever odium might 
attach to the reform. He modestly presented himself as 
chief of the civil administration, while the King stood forth 
as its military head. 

Meanwhile the national pride was flattered by missions 
to the Sikh Government at Lahore and to the Court of 
Persia. The army also was maintained at its overgrown 
strength of 19,000 men actually under arms, with twice 
that number of an effective reserve. Hodgson had to 
keep an anxious eye on the frontier now alive with 
2,500 additional soldiers, chiefly old praetorians from the 
capital full of ignorant swagger and contempt for their 
British neighbours. In September 1837 he wrote to his 
father that the revolution in -Nepal has " at last alarmed 
the British Government into alacrity and interest ; and 
I find myself holding by general admission a highly 
important trust." 

The year 1837 had proved one of incessant labour to 
the Resident. In March Hodgson wrote to Lady D'Oyly 
rejoicing in his good health, and hoping to be able to 
retire in I84I. 1 But his liver complaint returned with new 
aggravations in the autumn, and in a hurried letter to his 
father on December ist, 1837, he says that it "has forced 
a sea-voyage on me. I shall go to the Cape with the 
D'Oylys who are bound for England, and I shall, I hope, 
be able to come back to my post here next cold weather." 
He made a will leaving to his father his valuable collec- 
tions, or rather those which he had not already presented 
to learned and scientific societies. That was all he had 
to bequeath, except some small savings in cash to his 
children. " Alas, I have no money to speak of, and what 
I have, therefore, must go to my poor children, who will 
probably be kept in India to save you trouble and to 
better them as natives of this land." Amid his public 
cares and ill-health he finds consolation in his little ones. 
1 Letter to Lady D'Oyly dated March 5th, 1837. 



" A bit of music or my boy's voice," he writes to Lady 
D'Oyly, " melts me to gentleness." 

The ferment in Nepal did not, however, allow him the 
much-needed year of rest. Hodgson had to recover from 
his illness as best he could by a change to Calcutta, and 
then returned to his post. Next year, 1838, was one of 
palace intrigues. The Senior Queen violently supported 
the Pandis ; their leader received the general command of 
the troops, while his brothers and relatives crowded into the 
highest offices around the person of the Raja and through- 
out the provinces. The Junior Queen less effectively urged 
the restoration of Bhim Sen who " continued at large " 
amid the plaudits of the soldiery, and was still allowed to 
present himself at Court 

In February the disputes of the two ladies flamed up 
beyond control upon the Senior Queen demanding the 
Prime-Ministership for her favourite Ranjang, the head of 
the Pandis. As the poor Raja shuffled according to his 
wont, "she furiously left the palace, declaring she would 
never return unless her will was obeyed, and repaired to 
Pushpali-nath, about three miles from the city, attended 
by Ranjang." l So completely did she dominate her feeble 
husband that, in spite of the scandal, " during her stay 
there the Court attended daily with the Raja himself on 
her. This," adds the official report in 1840, "is the first- 
mentioned of similar vagaries with which this headstrong 
woman has up to this day continued to be the torment of 
the whole Court" 

Bhim Sen's gallant nephew Matabar, under pretext of 
a hunting party to catch elephants in the Tarai, slipped 
off to the holy city of Benares on the British plains, and 
thence to the Sikh capital in the Punjab. The Brahman 
Prime Minister began to spin a web of intrigue for the 
union of the two great Hindu powers on our northern 
frontier, the Nepalese and Sikhs, against us. Even the 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident Tickell's Memorandum, 
para. 42. 

VIIL] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 163 

Raja plucked up spirit to declare that, "as the English 
and Musalmans have united, it was time for the Hindus 
to look to themselves." But another outburst of his wife's 
fury left him little leisure for distant diplomacy. No 
longer content with demanding the Prime-Mimstership 
for her favourite Pandi, she began to plot for the deposition 
of the Raja, the placing of her young son on the throne 
and the expulsion of the British representative. 

By July 1838 she would have forced the Raja's consent 
but for the Brahman Prime Minister's remonstrances. He 
pointed out that so disgraceful a surrender to the Pandis 
would alienate the army, and drive many of the chiefs to 
seek protection from the English. The Senior Queen again 
quitted the capital in a rage, declaring " that she would 
never return unless the throne was abdicated in favour of 
her son, and Ranjang made Prime Minister." The miser- 
able Raja knew not whither to turn. The whole body of 
nobles held sulkily aloof from the henpecked husband ; 
his Brahman Prime Minister resigned, and waited in 
religious retirement until the feminine tyranny should be 
overpast. The despised and deserted King sought for 
comfort in superstitious auguries. His timorous soul had 
long been accustomed to consult omens ; indeed earth- 
quakes and portents form a large part of the Court 
chronicle of his reign. 1 The impostors whom he now con- 
sulted foretold, probably on the prompting of the Queen, 
" fearful reverses, the downfall of Nepal, and the triumph of 
the English ; and so effectually wrought on his fears as to 
compel him to quit the palace." 2 He at last got his wife 
back by appointing her favourite Pandi to the Prime- 

1 See the very curious enumeration in Chapter IX. of the translation 
from the Parbatiya in Dr. Wright's History of Ncpcd, pp. 268-271 
<Cambridge University Press, 1877). 

2 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident. Tickell's Memorandum. 
I quote from my extracts from the original Secret Consultations in the 
India Office MS. Records. 


Bhim Sen now saw that his only chance lay in the 
protection of the British. He unfolded to the Resident the 
conspiracy against our power, unaware that Hodgson had 
silently watched each mesh as it was being woven. In 
January 1838 three messengers disguised as religious 
mendicants brought a rumour to Nepal of a rupture be- 
tween the British and the Court of Ava. Forthwith 
Nepal despatched an emissary to Burma, taking Sikkim 
and Assam by the way. As the year advanced, negotia- 
tions which the Nepalese believed to be profound secrets, 
but each move in which Hodgson recorded with an im- 
perturbable face, were carried on with the great Native 
States of India, Udaipur, Jodhpur, Gwalior, Sindhia, 
Haidarabad, the Marathas and the Sikhs ; while communi- 
cations were opened with China, Afghanistan, and Persia. 
Three thousand additional rounds of powder and cannon- 
shot were served out from the central arsenals to the 
garrisons along the British frontier of Nepal. 

At length Bhim Sen " privately sent secret information 
to the Resident that the Darbar were prepared for hostili- 
ties in October, should the accounts received from Ava, 
Pekin, and Lahore be favourable by that time." 1 As 
rumours thickened of our being in trouble with Burma, 
Afghanistan, and Persia, the Darbar became impatient, 
" and the Raja was formally petitioned by a body of Chiefs 
in Council to expel the Resident at once a proposition to 
which he tacitly listened" 2 The expulsion would probably 
be accompanied with massacre, and fears were felt in 
Calcutta lest the furious Queen's favourite, now become 
Prime Minister, might murder Hodgson and his staff to 
win popularity with the army, and to commit the King 
irrevocably to war. 

Hodgson maintained an attitude of calm which almost 
seemed indifference, and kept up his polite intercourse with 
the Court as if nothing were happening which could not 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident, ut supra, p. 81. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 165 

be adjusted in the ordinary course of diplomacy. On his 
remonstrance the King issued royal mandates in September 
recalling several of the secret emissaries to the Native 
States. At the same time he still more secretly sent forth 
new ones. His Highness even went so far as to address 
a complimentary letter to Lord Auckland " professing the 
most amiable views towards the British Government." 
Amid these courtly hypocrisies the unhealthy months 
slipped by during which Nepal might have struck her blow ; 
and with the commencement of the cold weather came the 
news that a British force was ordered to assemble on the 
Nepal frontier. 

Hodgson well knew how little was to be expected from 
this order. The Governor-General, Lord Auckland, had 
asked him in the summer ci 1-838 for a confidential report 
on the military resources of Nepal ] and her intrigues with 
the Indian feudatory States.' 2 But he had also warned 
Hodgson that actual hostilities against Nepal must be 
deferred till the Afghan expedition was concluded:'* In 
September Lord Auckland informed him that there was 
no present intention of dealing with Nepal further than by 
strengthening our line of communications on the Ganges. 1 
Subsequent letters made this still more clear. But for- 
tunately they were private ones. Hodgson kept his own 
counsel, but allowed the rumours of an assembling force to 
freely reach the Nepalese Court. 

The opportunity for an attack on our frontier had for 
the time passed and the Nepalese Court changed its tone. 

1 Letters from John Russell Colvin, Private Secretary to Governor- 
General (marked " Private "), to B. H. Hodgson, dated Simla, June Hth, 
1838. These and all other letters from Mr. J. R. Colvin are quoted 
from the MS. volumes kindly placed at my disposal by his son, Sir 
Auckland Colvin, K.C.S.I. 

2 The same to the same, dated July 2nd, 1838. 

3 The same to the same, dated August 28th, 1838. 

4 The same to the same, dated September 28th, 1838. In the task 
of copying these Colvin letters, or of making excerpts, Mrs. Hodgson 
has given valuable aid. 


The complaints by the British frontier magistrates which 
had accumulated throughout the year 1838 were inquired 
into ; refugee criminals were given up ; a just settlement 
was even volunteered by Nepal in regard to the Sikkim 
boundary. Hodgson's brave and skilful policy received its 
crowning triumph on November 28th, when " the Darbar 
sent a written promise to the Resident, insuring in future 
the administration of impartial justice to British subjects 
trading in Nepal." His absolute unconcern while his life 
lay at the mercy of any palace-prompted tumult, and the 
silent completeness with which he had outwitted their 
machinations, won the admiration of the Chiefs and at the 
same time tickled their Highland sense of humour. It 
also frightened the King. The Darbar now granted, as 
a pleasantry of the moment, the judicial rights to British 
subjects which Hodgson had failed to wring from it by 
years of laborious diplomacy. 

Hodgson had meanwhile not only to calm the fears of 
his parents at home, but also to mourn the death of his 
last surviving brother the Horse Artillery Captain, and to 
find money to pay his debts and to send the young widow 
to England. 

" My dear Parents," he wrote in an undated scrap of a 
letter, but which appears to belong to the Christmas season 
of 1838, " I steal a moment from official writing to tell you 
I am well, and that 'you need entertain no fears for me 
though war ensue with Nepal, as it probably will imme- 
diately. I have striven heartily and affectionately to save 

Nepal Oh that I had more health and strength to meet 

the crisis, but He will support me upon whom is my main 
reliance, even God Almighty. Love to Fanny and Ellen, 
and believe me ever your devotedly affectionate son. God 
ever bless you both and give you many happy returns of 
this season." 

Captain William Hodgson died on June I2th, 1838. 
" In every requisite of a Horse Artillery officer," his 
colonel commandant had written in the previous year on 

vin.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 167 

Lord Auckland's withdrawing Captain Hodgson to a staff 
appointment, "I know of few to equal, none to surpass 
him." 1 His transfer to the Horse Artillery and recent 
marriage had been a drain on Brian's purse : his death 
now left behind a legacy of money troubles. " I have been 
obliged," he writes to his father on August I2th, 1838, "to 
send Mary some money (Rs. 1,000), and I fear I shall be 
called on for more not that I love money, but that I fear 
poverty and India on account of my health." This was only 
the commencement of fresh claims upon him. Among 
other items Brian became responsible for a loan of ;i,ooo 
borrowed by his brother. The widow begged him to repay 
himself in part from some money which came in ; " but," 
adds Hodgson, " I have Hot the heart to take it." a I 
mention these matters, n >t. because Hodgson attached 
importance to them, but because they enable us to 
understand the private worries which aggravated his ill- 
health, and made his public anxieties more difficult to 

The necessity of paying up the Rs. 50,000 towards his 
pension to enable him to retire at the end of his service 
began to haunt him. His full twenty-five years would ex- 
pire in 1843, and his period of actual residence in 1841. 
He feared that his ailment would not allow him to go on 
working longer than the earlier date. Yet the constant 
demands on his purse by his parents and brothers had 
prevented him from laying by a sufficient sum to purchase 
his pension. " I must calculate on every soi:s before- 
hand," he wrote to his father early in 1839, "and know 
what I have to rest on. I am but in weakly health, and 
should retire as soon as my time is out." 

The year 1838 closed with a full recognition by the 
British Government of the gravity of the situation in 
Nepal. The corps of observation to be assembled under 
Colonel Oglander on the frontier could not be got together 

1 Letter from Colonel Boileau, dated February 9th, 1837 
9 Letter to his father, dated February 1st, 1839. 


in an effective form, 1 as Lord Auckland was then engrossed 
with preparations for his Afghan war. 2 In September 1838 
the Governor-General plainly said that it was not possible 
for him to do more than strengthen our troops along the 
line of the Ganges. 8 

Hodgson was informed, however, that in event 
of an outbreak the forces in our provinces bordering 
Nepal would be at his disposal. In a letter to his father, 
dated September 1838, he had written : " The Gurkhas are 
behaving as childishly as hostilely, and I fear I shall be 
unable to keep the peace, though I have now discretionary 
power over three divisions of the army, amounting to 
nearly 20,000 men, with which we are to make a cordon 
sanitaire to endure pending the absence of the Kabul 
force from India. I fear the cordon may be broken, 
despite my cares to preserve it ; since it must be seven 
hundred miles long and liable to attack at any point 
by an active and enterprising enemy." Such a cordon, 
if it merits that name, might be useful to avenge his 
death, but was too far off to prevent a massacre. The 
truth is that the Afghan war proved as much as Lord 
Auckland could manage at one time, and the best he 
could hope for Nepal was that the Resident would keep 
things quiet till the storm in Afghanistan blew over. 

This is precisely what Hodgson did during the four 
eventful years which followed, from the establishment of 
our forces in Afghanistan in 1839 till the annihilation of 
the Kabul garrison in 1842. But the inability of the 
Government to make an effective display of force, or even 
to maintain a firm attitude, seriously weakened his hands. 
He by no means mistook the momentary good-humour 

1 I make this statement on the authority of a marginal note by 
Hodgson on p. 314 of Oldfield's Sketches from Nepal, Vol. I. (1880). 

* Lord Auckland decided to send a British force to Kabul in July 
1838.; John Russell Colvin, by Sir Auckland Colvin, p. 1 1 6 (Clarendon 
Press, 1895). 

3 Letter from Lord Auckland's Private Secretary to B. H. Hodgson, 
dated Simla, September 28th, 1838. 

vin.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 169 

of the Darbar towards the close of 1838 for a permanent 
amendment of its ways. " We have narrowly escaped a 
war with Nepal," he wrote to his father February 1st, 
1839, "and now I see many symptoms that the escape 
was but temporary, and that unless our Governor-General 
make up his mind to more resolute remonstrance than 
heretofore, Gurkha presumption and duplicity will speedily 
enforce our taking up arms against Nepal." 

The Nepalese Court had by this time discovered that our 
threatened demonstration on its frontier was only a threat 
not to be realised while Lord Auckland had Afghanistan 
on his hands. Accordingly it began the year 1839 by 
" publishing prophecies predicting our downfall through- 
out the plains." 1 At home it got ready again for war. 
Throughout the year the arsenals and military workshops 
resounded with preparation. Sixty-four new cannon 
were cast, while by April two hundred cannon " of brass 
and leather " were under manufacture, and 800,000 pounds 
of powder with 100,000 round shot and 1,200,000 musket 
balls were ordered. Muskets were to be turned out at the 
rate of five a day. Two experienced captains were deputed 
to stockade the hills on the border, and a war-census was 
taken. It returned the population fit to bear arms that 
is, from twelve to sixty years of age at 400,000 persons. 

All this was very popular with the chiefs, but Ranjang 
Pandi, who now made himself sole Minister with the help 
of the Senior Queen, found that it cost money. It was 
in vain that he retrenched the public expenditure. " The 
strictest parsimony" failed to yield the needful supplies. 
" As high in favour at Court as he was feared and detested 
by the people," he devised a scheme of 

1 Excerpts from the Letters oftlic Resident at K 
ment. Tickell's Memorandum. For this year iS 
from the original MS. copy in the India (Jmce^ countersigned 
by Hodgson. As I follow its text closely, ft i . r not needful' to 
constantly refer to it in footnotes. It and the letters separately qupteil 
are the authorities for all statements in the following page*} dealing 
with this eventful year 1839. 


forced benevolences, and forfeitures "falling little short 
of open robbery. He commenced operations by ostenta- 
tiously giving up to the State his own lands which he 
had held on rent-free tenure," and then called on the 
other chiefs to do likewise. All rent-free grants since 
the downfall of his father in 1802 were to be resumed. 
The chiefs were at the same time subjected to a system 
of money contributions ; from a single one of them a 
forced loan of 30,000 was demanded. Fines also were 
" mercilessly levied on the most frivolous pretences for 
acts so long past as to have been almost forgotten." One 
noble family found itself suddenly called upon for 80,000, 
another for 20,000 ; while 2,500 were extorted from 
a poorer man on the plea of his having instigated a friend 
" to intercede for Bhim Sen and his family when in chains." 
" Soldiers were scattered over the country enforcing these 
exactions," and the acclamations of the new Prime 
Minister's war promises speedily turned into an outcry 
against the extortions of his war finance. 

Ranjang Pandi tried to stem the public hatred by clutch- 
ing more strenuously at the supreme power. The leader 
of the Brahman party was compelled to give up his last 
pretence of joint authority, and to retire in real earnest 
to his devotions. The King's collaterals had indignantly 
declared " that they who arc of the royal race will not be 
subjected to any one but the Raja, and that to obey a Khas 
(Ranjang's tribe) is intolerable degradation." 1 Ranjang 
retorted by calling them "royal menials," who have no 
title to discharge the noble duties of war and of politics. 2 
He elected, in fact, to trust solely to his influence over the 
Senior Queen, and disdained alike the wrath of the chiefs 
and, the detestation of the people. The poor King, with 
his usual feeble craft, thought that he himself might 
perhaps come to the top in the turmoil. So he kept 

1 Letter from B. H. Hodgson to the Officiating Secretary with the 
Governor-General, dated April I4th, 1839. India Office MSS. 
8 Idem. 

viii.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 1833-1839. i;i 

Ranjang in suspense as to his formal confirmation in the 
Prime-Ministership, while allowing him to discharge its 
duties and to bear its odium. 

Ranjang's ministry was one of spoliation, and the chiefs, 
as Bhim Sen had predicted, began to turn their eyes to 
the British. The following paragraphs in a secret despatch 
from Hodgson to Herbert Maddock, 1 who had preceded 
him as Resident in Nepal and was now the Secretary to 
Government in attendance on the Governor-General, shows 
the gradual development of the drama, then drawing to its 
bloody close. 

''Even now, though Ranjang is not yet confirmed in 
the Premiership, and perhaps may not, after all, be so, yet 
under his predominate secret influence many severities are 
inflicted and more apprehcnoed, and the great body of 
the Chiefs is extremely disgusted and discontented. The 
Senior Rani's irregular and violent ambition is said to find 
a ready tool in Ranjang for the accomplishment of her 
particular purposes, on condition she prove herself (as she 
professes to be) equally pliant in regard to his particular 
ends. She wants the Raja to resign in favour of her son ; 
Ranjang wants revenge on his numerous enemies ; and 
the Raja, though he dreads with reason both the one and 
the other, and thus continues to withhold the [confirma- 
tion in the] Premiership from Ranjang, yet gradually gives 
way to his imperious spouse, seduced by extravagant 
promises of the mighty things which Ranjang is to achieve 
against the Company, when once he has the complete 
direction of affairs. Meanwhile every step he makes to 
power is marked by actual or threatened retaliation and 
severity at home, and by secret instigations of every 
species of covert hostility abroad. 

" He appears not in any matter, but he really guides all 

through the Senior Rani, and he it is who so often marred 

the Raja's better purpose when his Highness was ready 

to lay aside severities at home and intrigues on the plains. 

1 Dated Nepal Residency, April nth, 1839. 


" All persons of mark now look to the Company's 
Government, and earnestly hope that the Governor-General 
will ere long be led to address the Raja in such terms as may 
frighten him into justice at home and abroad, and redeem 
him from the toils of the Rani and [Ranjang] Pandi, whose 
unjust and irregular ambition threatens equal mischief to 
the State in its domestic and in its foreign relations. 

"Several times the Raja has been made to hesitate 
and draw back from his meditated injustice. . . . The 
Junior Rani dreads that her children will be sacrificed to 
the jealousy of the Senior Rani, their eyes being put out 
or their lives made away with by foul practices, and she 
is meditating some possible means of appeal to the 

" The Court physicians have destroyed themselves be- 
cause banishment proved no protection to them, and they 
were loaded with irons and otherwise oppressed after they 
had been again spared and even sent to their destination. 
The Court has therefore the blood of these Brahmans upon 
its head, and all persons anticipate misfortunes to the 
kingdom therefrom. Bhim Sen's brother has turned fakir 
to escape from perpetually renewed alarms, and Bhim Sen 
considers himself safe only because his nephew Matabar is 
beyond the Darbar's power, and would join the English 
and open the way to their armies to Kathmandu if Bhim 
Sen were presently made away with. The Darbar earnestly 
desires to get back Matabar Singh and also Ranudat Sah 
to Nepal, and the Governor-General should take good care 
that neither of them yet returns, for whilst they are below, 
the Darbar will never dare to come to extremities with the 

"The Raja's temper is spoilt and soured, so that the 
most respectable chiefs are repeatedly subjected to coarse 
abuse or to actual or threatened extortions, upon pretence 
of bribery and malversation in office under the long ad- 
ministration of the Thappas. Meanwhile secret intrigues 
with the plains with a view to excite discontent among 

vni.] RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 173 

the Company's subjects and conspiracy amongst its de- 
pendent allies are going on as actively as ever. 

" There are now at Kathmandu secret envoys from all 
the following States: Gwalior, Satara, Baroda, Jodhpur, 
Jaipur, Kotah, Bundi, Rewa, Panna, and the Punjab 
(Dhyan Singh) ; and the intercourse thus set afoot the 
Darbar is determined to maintain. Meanwhile, partly from 
dread of the consequences of such perverseness and partly 
in order to be ready fully to meet the expected opportunity 
of open rupture, hostile preparations of all sorts continue 
to be actively made. 

" Between fear and hate the Darbar suffers not itself 
to have a moment's rest, but so little is it governed by 
prudence in its proceedings that, at the very moment when 
it would fain break with the Company, it scruples not to 
misuse and alarm in an extreme degree the great majority 
of those Chiefs who alone could second its wishes in the 
event of war. A rash and violent woman aiming at 
uncontrolled sway governs the Darbar, and all men of 
experience anticipate the worst that can happen unless 
renewed dread of the Company should speedily recall the 
Raja to safer counsels and more resolution in abiding by 
them. I have, etc. 

11 B. H. HODGSON, Resident." 

Ranjang Pandi perfectly understood the situation. A 
coalition of the Chiefs led by Bhim Sen, and enjoying the 
goodwill of the British Resident, would frighten the feeble 
Raja into a spasm of independence which might sweep 
the Pandi faction out of Nepal. Ranjang did not yet 
dare to attack the British Resident. He also feared to 
murder Bhim Sen lest the gallant Matabar, who was now 
safe at the Sikh Court, should return on the flood-tide of 
popular indignation and avenge his uncle's death. "To 
get rid of this stumbling-block it was reported l about this 

1 Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu for 1839, 
ut supra. India Office MS. Secret Consultations. 


time that the Darbar had hired secret agents to poison 
Matabar Singh, who were shortly to set out with that 
intent to the Punjab." 

At the same moment a fresh charge of poisoning was 
trumped up against Bhim Sen in the palace. The Court 
physician was instigated, under threats of torture, to 
implicate the ex-minister in an imaginary attempt to poison 
the Senior Queen an attempt alleged to have taken place 
six months before ! The aged Bhim Sen, " in whose favour 
none dared now to lift a voice, was reduced to the most 
abject and affecting appeals to the Resident" But the 
Raja still hesitated to take the plunge into the infamy of 
a judicial murder of the old Minister. The King, 
accompanied by one of the royal collaterals who was for 
a time joint Prime Minister with Ranjang, came in person 
to the Residency and laid the accusation before Hodgson. 
The Resident calmly but firmly pointed out the insufficiency 
of the evidence, " and with a view to the physician's life 
being spared, recommended his banishment from the city, 
as securing future peace within the palace." Even this 
failed to satisfy the furious Senior Queen and her favourite 
Pandi. The Court physicians committed suicide to escape 
torture. The younger Queen, as we have heard, went in 
hourly dread for her children's lives ; and Bhim Sen's 
brother 1 sought safety under the garb of a wandering 
religious mendicant. 

The first batch of victims were already in their graves, 
but their kindred remained. "The family and relations, 
male and female, of the physician who was crucified last 
year were seized ; five had their noses cut off, and eleven, 
after being tortured in hopes of extorting confessions 
criminating certain chiefs, were given to perpetual slavery 
as outcasts." 2 Two of the Court physicians who had not 

1 Ranbir Singh, who had only a few years ago been intriguing against 
his elder brother for the Prime-Ministership. 

* These and all other quotations without a separate reference are 
from the Excerpts from the Letters of the Resident, as before mentioned. 

viiLj RESIDENT IN NEPAL: 18331839. 175 

killed themselves were horribly mutilated. One of them, 
"a Brahman and whose life was therefore sacred, was 
burned on the forehead and cheeks till his brain and jaws 
were exposed." 1 The other was impaled alive, and his 
heart torn out while he was still living. The Prince looked 
on as these horrors were perpetrated, but no word could 
be wrung out of the victims to incriminate Bhim Sen. The 
Senior Queen " almost publicly avowed her determination 
to procure the Raja's abdication in favour of her eldest 
son." Every effort was made to lure back Matabar Singh 
to Nepal (the secret emissaries having failed to poison 
him), in order that "both he and Bhim Sen might be 

The last scene in the tragedy opened with a new set of 
accusations against Bhim Sen- -accusations to which his 
persecutors no longer took the trouble to give even a show 
of probability. He was first charged with poisoning the 
widow of the Raja who died as far back as 1816, then 
with poisoning that long-deceased Raja himself. " The old 
man thus beset," says the official narrative, 2 " courageously 
defended himself, demanding why, if such charges had been 
really made, they had not been produced against him on 
his first arrest in 1 837 ; denounced the papers as forgeries, 
and called for confrontation with his accusers. But his 
defence and his appeals were alike unheeded ; not a voice 
was raised in his behalf throughout the Darbar. The 
Chiefs sat by in dejected silence, and the Raja giving way 
to, or feigning, a burst of indignation, denounced him as a 
traitor and had him hurried off in chains to a prison. 

" It is needless to trace further his cruel persecutions. 
Like a convicted felon, he lingered in his dungeon during 
his few remaining days ; his ears were assailed from day 
to day with threats of renewed torments with being 

1 Oldfield, Vol. I., p. 316 (Ed. 1880), apparently writing from local 
records which have not come under my notice in the Secret Consultations 
preserved at the India Office. 

8 Excerpts from tfie Letters of the Resident at Kathrnandu, ut supra. 


exposed plunged up to the neck in a heap of human 
ordure and filth, with having his wife paraded naked through 
the city till, totally worn out by accumulated torments, the 
wretched man anticipated further malice by committing 
suicide. On July 2Oth he inflicted a wound in his throat, 
with a kukri, of which he died nine days after. His corpse 
was refused funeral rites, but dismembered and exposed 
about the city, after which the mangled remains were 
thrown away on the river-side, where none but the dog 
and vulture dared further heed them." 

No sooner was the outrage complete than the terror- 
stricken Raja hastened to excuse himself to the Resident. 
Hodgson listened, then coldly replied " that the whole of 
the transaction was foreign to the duties of my station, 
and that I could only express my acknowledgments for 
the official communication made to me by the Darbar." 1 
But he laid a full account of the proceedings before the 
Governor-General. " Thus has perished," he concludes in 
words not unsuited to the tragical moment, " the great and 
able statesman who for more than thirty years had ruled 
this kingdom with more than regal sway, just two years 
after his sudden fall from power in 1837 prior to which 
event the uniform success of nearly all his measures had 
been no less remarkable than the energy and sagacity 
which so much promoted that success. He was indeed a 
man born to exercise dominion over his fellows alike by the 
means of command and of persuasion. Nor am I aware 
of any native statesman of recent times, except Ranjit 
Singh, who is, all things considered, worthy to be compared 
with the late General Bhim Sen of Nepal. 11 

1 Report from the Resident to the Deputy Secretary with the 
Governor-General, dated July 3Oth, 1839, para. 4. India Office MSS. 
9 Idem., para. 6. 





THE Queen and her favourite Pandi now breathed 
more freely. But they felt that, as long as a British 
Resident watched their proceedings, the game of hostility 
to the British Government was a dangerous one. They 
vented their wrath on the kindred of the dead Prime 
Minister, declared his whole clan incapable of holding any 
State employment for seven generations, and drove forth 
his relatives, who had already been banished to the moun- 
tains, still farther into the snows. All grants of lands 
made by him or by the late Queen-Regent from 1804 
onwards were confiscated, and their holders, many of 
whom had received them as payment for public services, 
were without mercy turned adrift. 

Hodgson's air of indifference to the intrigues against the 
Residency, intrigues which the Queen knew he was well 
informed of, nonplussed her. She thought he must cer- 
tainly have some power of destruction in reserve. His 
health improved and his spirits rose as he realised that 
Lord Auckland was too busy with Afghanistan to spare 
any force for Nepal, and that the Resident must depend 
entirely on his own courage and resource. They " are 
ready to break forth," he wrote to his father in July 1839, 
" or at least to break the treaty and expel the envoy, i.e. 
myself. There is great pleasure to me in the excitement 
and in the responsibility, and now Government readily 
admits that I was a prophet when I long ago told Lord 
Bentinck to beware of the future, assuring him that what 



he then called a sinecure would by-and-by come to be 
considered the most important diplomatic office in India. 
So it has proved. My health is pretty good, and I am 
ever mindful of you all." 

The Governor-General saw clearly that the death of 
Bhim Sen left the war party supreme in Nepal, but he 
could only take notice of it in empty words. There is 
indeed a feeble magniloquence about Lord Auckland's 
reply which the presence of his Afghan complications can 
alone excuse. " I am directed to state," wrote his secre- 
tary, 1 " that the measures of indignity, insult, and cruelty 
which the Government of Nepal has adopted towards the 
late and able Minister of that State, have been viewed by 
the Governor-General with feelings of extreme disgust and 
abhorrence. They pourtray a spirit of vindictive hatred 
towards the late General Bhim Sen, venting itself on its 
unfortunate victim by outrages so atrocious and unmanly 
as to lead to the belief that the moral feeling of the Court 
has been much vitiated since the deposition of Bhim Sen, 
and that, under the present system and the present Govern- 
ment, the manners of the people will rapidly sink into a 
state of barbarity from which they were being gradually 
weaned by a long course of pacific rule, under an able and 
comparatively enlightened administration." 

Hodgson did what he could with this weak-kneed back- 
ing. He made the Raja understand the danger to his 
dynasty which the resentment of the Governor-General 
implied. The poor Prince again drew away from the war 
party. In the summer of 1839 he had begun "to talk of 
the fate of the Company being in his hands," 2 and had 
been interdicted by the Queen from intercourse with the 
Residency. Before autumn was over Hodgson brought 

1 Letter from T. H. Maddock, Secretary to the Government of India 
with the Governor-General, to the Resident in Nepal, dated Simla, 
August i gth, 1839. !*&& Office MSS. 

* Excerpts from fetters of the Resident. Tickell's Memorandum, 
tit supra. Secret Consultations, India Office MSS. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 179 

him to reason, dexterously using the Raja's necessity for 
finding a wife or wives from India for the heir-apparent 
This plea had enabled the Nepalese Darbar to send its 
emissaries to the Native Courts throughout Northern India 
" under the old pretence of seeking for brides." * The age 
of the heir-apparent now rendered it a necessity in sober 
earnest, and Hodgson politely informed the Raja that his 
envoys would receive passports through the British pro- 
vinces only if he acted justly by the British- Indian traders 
in Nepal. 

The negotiations dragged themselves on through various 
phases of duplicity, but by October 1839 Hodgson had 
once more checkmated the war party left rampant by 
Bhim Sen's der:th in July. He wrote to Mr. Thoby 
Prinsep on October 1 8th, 1 83^, -that he had for the present 
stopped Nepal in her perilous course. 2 " I have been 
debating with her for three months to exact from her an 
honest and practical atonement in place of the dishonest 
and idle phrases and compliments with which she sought 
to cover the past and to shift for the future. She offered 
me, at the beginning of that period, a Kharita(or letter) for 
the Governor-General full of all excellent discourse, rounded 
off with a tender of her troops to us to fight beyond the 
Indus and elsewhere. She conceived, or rather proposed 
and wished, that this magnificent piece of humbug should 
procure her a pardon for all ill-deeds and schemes of the 
last two years, besides obtaining present leave for her to 
send a gorgeous and numerous mission through the Rajput 
States under pretence of marriage, but really to bravado 
away the shame of her ejection from those parts eighteen 
months ago, and to come to some sort of understanding 
with their rulers. 

1 Idem. 

2 In this and in other letters I give only the paragraphs directly 
bearing on the political situation. Henry Thoby Prinsep was then 
Officiating Secretary to the Government of India in the Secret and 
Political Department. 


" I was obliged to be wary at first and to temporise. 
But gradually I have grown bolder, and I have at last 
compelled the Darbar to admit, by the silent abandonment 
of it, that this mission to the Rajputs was a fraud ; whilst 
I have refused either to forward the Kharita to the 
Governor-General or even to let a real marriage mission go 
to the districts on this side the Ganges, until the Darbar 
has, verily and in deed, done me right and justice in those 
several special instances wherein she has admitted my 
claim and pledged herself to redress over and over again. 

" These reforms I have now, I think, nearly carried, after 
such delays and evasions and tricks to tire patience as 
I never saw nor dreamt of before. I have been on the 
verge of success apparently twenty times during the debate, 
when the Darbar has gone off again at a tangent. 

" The points I have gained from the Darbar are of some 
value, and if the greater politics of India go well for some 
time to come, I may be able to keep the Darbar to the 
new course which those points will define for her. But at 
present she consents and signs with the worst will to the 
work, and she will bolt if temptation again arise. Yours 


The agreement which Hodgson thus wrung from Nepal 
in the teeth of the war party now forms No. LVI. of Sir 
Charles Aitchison's Treaties and Engagements. It bears 
date November 6th, 1839, and the translation runs as 
follows : " According to your (ix. the Resident's) request 
and for the purpose of perpetuating the friendship of the 
two States, as well as to promote the effectual discharge of 
current business, the following items are fixed : ist All 
secret intrigues whatever, by messengers or letters, shall 
totally cease. 2nd. The Nepal Government engages to 
have no further intercourse with the dependent allies of 
the Company beyond the Ganges, who are by treaty 
precluded from such intercourse, except with the Resident's 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. l8l 

sanction and under his passports. 3rd. With the land- 
holders and men of position on this side of the Ganges, 
who arc connected by marriage with the royal family of 
Nepal, intercourse of letters and persons shall remain open 
to the Nepal Government as heretofore. 4th It is agreed 
to, as a rule for the guidance of both Governments, that 
in judicial matters, where civil causes arise, there they shall 
be heard and decided ; and the Nepal Government engages 
that for the future British subjects shall not be compelled 
to plead in the Courts of Nepal to civil actions having 
exclusive reference to their dealings in the plains. 5th. The 
Nepal Government engages that British subjects shall 
hereafter be regarded as her on*n subjects in regard to 
access to the Courts of Law, and that the causes of the 
former shall be heard and decided without denial or delay, 
according to the usages of Nepal. 6th. The Nepal Govern- 
ment engages that an authentic statement of all duties 
leviable in Nepal shall be delivered to the Resident, and 
that hereafter unauthorised imposts not entered in this list 
shall not be levied on British subjects." 

For the moment the war party in Nepal was cowed. 
Hodgson permitted the complimentary letter to the 
Governor-General to be despatched along with the treaty, 
and the Court even begged to be allowed to send an equally 
complimentary mission to wait on his Excellency with 
the most violent of the war party at its head ! Suddenly, 
on a rumour that Lord Auckland had been recalled for 
harshness towards the Amir of Afghanistan, 1 the projected 
mission was dropped " in a manner wantonly disrespectful 
towards his Lordship." 2 When the rumour turned out to 
be false the proposal was ostentatiously revived in the hope 
that the Nepalese envoy "would be able by a personal 
interview with the Governor-General to obtain his Lord- 
ship's sanction to the numerous deputations which Nepal 

1 Dost Muhammad. 

2 Secret Letter from the Resident to the Secretary with the Governor- 
General, dated November 25th, 1839. 


wished to send forth all over India, under pretext of the 
heir-apparent's approaching marriage, to select brides or 
to issue invitations for the ceremony." 1 

Hodgson's letters at this period disclose a hopelessness 
of keeping the Nepalese Court to any engagements what- 
ever, but also a resolve to constantly occupy its attention 
with minor matters until Lord Auckland should be set free 
from Afghanistan to deal seriously with the situation in 
Nepal. The violence of the war party helped Hodgson's 
design. For it established such a reign of terror inside the 
palace and throughout the country that the Raja's family 
as well as the chiefs began to look to the Residency as 
their one source of security. The Senior Queen and her 
favourite Pandi, carried their persecution of the Junior 
Queen so far as to accuse her of criminal conversation 
with a captain in the Gurkha army. The Raja saw 
the malevolence of the charge, and it fell to the ground. 
Presently they renewed the attack by an accusation " of 
misprision of treason." This, although also foiled, threw 
the younger Queen " into the greatest distress and fear for 
her life and children, and induced her to appeal secretly 
to the Resident to procure for her the protection of the 
British Government." 2 

The year 1840 thus opened with the war party again 
supreme in Nepal, headed by the Senior Queen and her 
favourite Pandi, but with the Court in the meshes of its 
late engagements to Hodgson, and with the Junior Queen 
and the royal collaterals looking for support to the 
Residency. The Governor-General, notwithstanding his 
entanglements in Afghanistan, began to feel that a war 
with Nepal could not much longer be staved off. On 

1 Excerpts frotn Letters of the Resident, ut supra. 

9 Excerpts from Letters of the Resident at Kathmandu. Tickell's 
Memorandum, ut supra. In making my final reference to these 
" Excerpts/' which conclude with the year 1839, I beg to express my 
obligation to Mr. H. W. Garrett, of the Political Department, India 
Office, under whose supervision copies were made for me from the 
Secret Consultations (MSS.). 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 183 

January pth, 1840, his Private Secretary wrote strongly to 
Hodgson about "the idle vapourings and futile intrigues 
by which the Nepal Darbar has been bringing upon itself 
present ridicule and laying the seeds of its future punish- 
ment" 1 Hodgson meanwhile occupied the Nepalese 
Government with perpetual discussions about carrying 
out its agreement to deliver up Thugs and the bandit- 
leaders sheltered within its frontier, and he procured the 
issue of stringent orders for their surrender. The truth is 
that the Queen and her favourite were preparing their 
grand coup> and were as anxious to gain time as Hodgson 

Meanwhile they laboured to render the British Govern- 
ment odious in every way to the chiefs and people. They 
first tried to draw Hodgso.i 4nto a palace scandal. On 
May $th, 1840, the marriage of the heir-apparent simul- 
taneously to two ladies was celebrated. Shortly after the 
ceremony the British Resident was summoned to a private 
interview with the Senior Queen and the Raja. The Queen 
declared with affected consternation that certain ill-omened 
marks had been discovered on the bodies of the brides, and 
that the marriages must at once be dissolved. Hodgson 
carefully abstained from giving any opinion, for he knew 
it was certain to be misrepresented. The Queen, indeed, 
had got up the story partly to entrap the Resident, partly 
as a move in her policy of keeping the King in perpetual 
distresses in order to disgust him with the cares of royalty, 
and to induce his resignation in favour of her son with 
herself as regent. Foiled by Hodgson's reticence, she 
presently discovered that the marks were only temporary 
and of no significance. 

She next tried to win popular favour by a romantic 
outrage upon the British frontier. On April I2th, 1840, 
half a hundred Gurkha braves suddenly appeared at the 
great fair held in Ramnagar Forest, eight miles within 

1 J. R. Colvin to B. H. Hodgson, dated Camp beyond Dholpur, 
January Qtb, 1840. Vol. VIII., p. 217, of the Auckland MSS. 


our provinces. After forcibly levying the bazaar dues, 
they established their permanent headquarters in the 
neighbourhood, called on the inhabitants of ninety-one 
British villages to come in, and told them that their terri- 
tories were henceforth part of Nepal, to whose Government 
alone the revenues must be paid. They then stationed 
Gurkha soldiers in each of the villages thus seized, and 
threatened to deport to Nepal for punishment any local 
official who dared to convey information of the transaction 
to the British authorities. "In fact a large tract of country, 
eight or nine miles broad, by twenty or twenty-five in 
length [say 200 square miles], had been entirely cut off 
from the British dominions." 1 

Hodgson promptly demanded the withdrawal of the 
Gurkha soldiers, the punishment of the authors of the 
aggression, compensation to the villagers, and an ample 
apology to our Government. But the Queen and her 
favourite Pandi, being now almost ready to strike their 
long-meditated blow, protracted the negotiations and 
meanwhile denied redress. As Hodgson had no force 
behind him, he had to keep his temper and do what he 
could by remonstrances. The Queen and her favourite, 
elated by impunity, resolved to at once raise a war-fund 
by cutting down the pay of the troops, pretending that 
the reduction was being carried out by the Raja under 
orders from the British Government. Having thus pre- 
pared the way, they awaited with calmness the military 
rising which they knew would follow, and hoped that in 
the confusion the Raja would be deposed and the Residency 
burnt to the ground. 

They had not to wait long. Early on the morning of 
June 2 ist, 1840, the Nepalcse army at the capital, 
6,000 strong, broke into revolt at a general parade, at 
which the reduction of their pay was to be officially 

1 Narrative of events in Nepal in 1840, prepared by Lieutenant 
C. H. Nicholetts, Assistant Resident, dated September 3Oth, 1853, 
para. 7. India Office Records. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 185 

announced. On the preceding evening the Queen cleverly 
secured the persons of the British Resident and his staff. 
" I was called," writes Hodgson in a private note, " to the 
Darbar ostensibly for a mere formal visit. I went as usual 
with the gentlemen of the Residency at 7 p.m. At 10 o'clock 
I rose to go, but the Raja begged me to stay awhile, and 
so again at 1 1 o'clock, and again I think at midnight. 
Still something was always urged by the Court to keep us, 
and though no adequate cause was assigned, I assented 
in order if possible to discover the real cause of our deten- 
tion. I felt there was some cause, and possibly a serious 
one, as I whispered to Dr. Campbell, 1 and I wanted to 
fathom the mystery. 

" Soon after midnight, at a sign from one of the Raja's 
attendants, his Highness askui-mc to go to the Queen's 
apartments. I went. Her Highness received me with 
scant civility, and presently grew angry and offensive with 
reference to business. I replied at first seriously," and 
then passed to compliments ending in a jest. " This made 
her laugh, and under cover of the momentary good-humour 
the Raja carried me off, apparently only too happy to 
have thus easily got me through an interview demanded 
by his virago of a wife, who was the prime mover in all the 
mischief then brewing. It was daylight when I and the 
gentlemen left the palace, and shortly after came rumours 
of an uproar in the Nepal cantonments. It was reported 
to me that the troops at the capital were in a mutinous 
state, and were threatening mischief to the Residency, they 
having been told that the Resident had been all night 
insisting on a reduction of the Gurkha army by in- 
structions from his Government. 

" Ere long the report of the mutiny was confirmed by 
the appearance of a large body of soldiers in arms moving 
on the Residency. Arrived at an open space two hundred 
yards from the embassy-house, the troops called a halt 
and held a palaver. The men objected to perpetrate so 
1 The Residency Surgeon and Honorary Assistant Resident. 


cowardly an act as the destruction of the Resident, 'he 
being a good gentleman long known to them, and always 
kind and courteous to them and their families/ The 
palaver ended in a deputation of a select body of them 
to the Darbar to say that, if they were to do such a deed, 
they must have a Lal-mohar (a formal order under the 
royal seal) to that effect" 

Hodgson contrived to inform the Raja that the object 
of the strange detention of himself and staff during the 
night had been seen through, and that measures were 
already taken to secure vengeance, if needful, for their 
deaths. The Queen, believing her arrangements for a rising 
complete, withdrew in the early morning from the capital, 
so that, whatever happened, the Raja would have to bear 
the consequences alone. "Just as the deputies of the 
soldiers reached the palace and made their statement, the 
Resident's Head Munshi arrived there and acquainted 
the Darbar that the pretence of mutiny to cover violence 
was transparent, that intelligence to that effect had been 
transmitted to the Governor-General by two different 
channels, and that the messengers had already got clear 
off towards the plains. The effect of this double move 
by the soldiers and by the Resident was to put a quiet 
extinguisher on a ruse of the Darbar which might easily 
have resulted in a scene of bloodshed, furens quid femina 
possit being an old truth." * 

Meanwhile horrors were taking place in the city which 
prove that, throughout that night and forenoon, the lives 
of the British officers had hung by a thread. Hodgson's 
easy good-humour with the Queen probably saved himself 
and his staff from murder in the palace or at the moment 
of quitting it. His calmness next morning in resting his 
safety on his character as ambassador, and disdaining 
any contemptible show of self-defence, certainly saved the 
Residency from the troops. If a single shot had been 
fired from the Residency walls, the mutineers would not 
1 Private note written by Mr. Hodgson, without date. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 187 

have halted but would have carried the gate with a rush. 
Hodgson kept his escort of two hundred men perfectly 
quiet, he kept his officers perfectly quiet, he swiftly took 
measures for acquainting his Government with the facts, 
and then he threw the responsibility for his safety as an 
ambassador upon the Raja and his Ministers. If we 
admire the gallantry, or even the gallant futility, with 
which Indian envoys have defended themselves by paltry 
escorts to the last living man, we must yield a yet higher 
respect to the unmoved civil courage with which Hodgson 
faced the storm and weathered it. 

For meanwhile the mutinous troops had sacked the 
palace of the royal collateral who posed as nominal Prime 
Minister, gutted the houses of five other chiefs, members 
of the Ministry, and loudly demanded that the Raja should 
himself come forth and redress their grievances. Next 
day, the 22nd, the Raja summoned up courage to harangue 
them ; and the troops, with the habitual loyalty to the 
person of their sovereign so characteristic of the Gurkhas, 
ceased from further outrages. But the excitement con- 
tinued in their quarters, and on June 23rd, 1840, the 
following message was conveyed to the army from the 
Raja and his Senior Queen : l 

"The English Government is powerful, abounding in 
wealth and in all other resources for war. I have kept 
well with the English so long, because I am unable to cope 
with them. Besides, I am bound by a treaty of amity, 
and have now no excuse to break it ; nor have I money 
to support a war. Troops I have, and arms and ammuni- 
tion in plenty, but no money. This is the reason why I 
have reduced your pay. I want treasure to fight the 
English. Take lower pay for a year or two, and when I 
have some money in hand, then I will throw off the mask 
and indulge you in war." 

To this the troops replied by their deputies at a parade 

1 I reproduce this frank proclamation and the reply of the troops 
from Oldfield, Vol. L, pp. 318, 319. Ed. 1880. 


which the Maharaja attended in person. "True the 
English Government is great ; but care the wild dogs of 
Nepal how large is the herd they attack ? They are sure 
to get their bellies filled. You want no money for making 
war ; for the war shall support itself. We will plunder 
Lucknow and Patna. But first we must get rid of the 
Resident, who sees and forestalls all. We must be able, 
unseen, to watch the moment of attack. It will soon 
come ; it is come. Give the word and we will destroy the 
Resident," "and we will soon make the Ganges your 
boundary. Or if the English, as they say, are your friends 
and want peace, why do they keep possession of half your 
dominions ? Let them restore Kumaun and Sikkim. These 
are yours ; demand them back ; and if they refuse, drive 
out the Resident, and let us have war." l 

The Raja asked time for deliberation. But the secret 
hopes of the Queen that the Residency would be sacked in 
the tumult had been disappointed, and she hesitated to 
officially authorise the outrage. The grievances of the 
army were accordingly redressed, and the reduction of pay 
was not insisted on. She contented herself with having 
placards posted outside the palace exaggerating our diffi- 
culties and reverses in Afghanistan. The arsenals and gun 
factories were kept in full activity ; the military spirit was 
fanned throughout the country by the old device of a war- 
census, which returned the fighting population at 400,000 
men. 2 

Lord Auckland had awakened to the fact that, what- 
ever his embarrassments in Afghanistan, the situation in 
Nepal brooked no further delay. He instructed his Private 
Secretary to write at once to Hodgson that there would 
be no hesitation as to moving troops to the Nepal frontier 
if necessary. 3 He also forwarded a public despatch, " with 

1 Oldfield, Vol. L, pp. 318, 319. Ed. 1880. 
* Idem.) p. 321. 

3 J. R. Colvin to Brian Hodgson, dated July i8th, 1840. Vol. XI. of 
the Auckland MSS., p. 252. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 189 

regard to the forcible occupation of our territory at 
Ramnagar" (the ninety-one villages). He instructed 
Hodgson to intimate to the Nepal Darbar "that your 
Government has viewed the continued usurpation of 
British territory with extreme displeasure," and to demand 
immediate redress. Hodgson was to declare "that the 
Government of India will speedily feel itself compelled, if 
such satisfaction be not fully afforded, to march its troops 
to the frontier to vindicate its honour, and to relieve its 
subjects from the intolerable violence to which they are 
exposed." l 

Armed with the knowledge that his threats would bo 
backed by troops " if necessary," Hodgson took up so 
strong an attitude as to obtain the redress without the 
actual employment of force.- Ample satisfaction was 
obtained for the seizure of the ninety-one villages and tract 
of two hundred square miles within our frontier, and the 
money-compensation for the villages was deposited in the 
Residency treasury. 2 A series of direct representations 
were also forced on the Raja which convinced him that 
the safety of his dynasty depended on the dismissal of 
the Queen's favourite Pandi from the Ministry. "The 
Governor-General in Council in reviewing these trans- 
actions," Lord Auckland wrote to Hodgson, 3 " has to thank 
you for the marked ability, firmness, and judgment with 
which you have met a long course of adverse and evasive 
negotiation on the part of the Nepal Government, and he 
begs you to accept his cordial acknowledgment of your 
service on the occasion." 

Lord Auckland, in the stern mood brought on by the 
peril of the Residency on July 2ist, 1840, had asked 
Hodgson to advise him whether the object of the antici- 

1 Quoted from the draft despatch enclosed in the Private Secretary's 
letter just referred to. 

8 From Officiating Secretary to the Government of India, dated 
October 26th, 1840, para. 5, to the Resident at Kathmandu. 

8 Despatch from the Government of India to the Resident, dated 
October 2Oth, 1840, para. 9. Hodgson Private Papers. 


pated war with Nepal " shall be the entire subjugation of the 
country, or the raising up of another Gurkha Government 
or administration " 1 on terms favourable to our interests. 
Hodgson leaned to mercy, and he soon found that Lord 
Auckland's entanglements in Afghanistan rendered it im- 
possible to spare a force for Nepal in any respect equal to 
" the entire subjugation of the country." Early in October 
1840 he was, with compliments on his "ability and tem- 
perate perseverance," warned that troops were not then 
available, and that " when they may be moved into camp 
is uncertain." 2 Later in the month this warning was 
officially repeated. 3 Hodgson was again made to realise 
that he must still depend on himself. He accordingly 
directed all his efforts to accomplish the change of Ministry 
by negotiations, and to secure by peaceful means what 
Lord Auckland had in August only hoped to obtain by 
a war. 

Throughout the whole year he wrote home in high 
spirits and with a perfect confidence in his own resources. 
"Don't be alarmed," he reassured his father " don't be 
alarmed at the stuff you see in the papers as to my situation 
here." " I hope Brian does riot make too light of his 
situation," is his father's docket on this letter, " but I wish 
he was well out of it." " Our Government," Hodgson goes 
on to explain, " wants to get rid of ' other affairs f before 
it takes Nepal in hand ; and ( other affairs ' have arisen 
successively fresh and fresh during the last three years, 
while Nepal's insolence has thus been stimulated. All our 
temporary devices have been used up, so that the Gurkhas 
are now 'laughing in our beards.' They are very insolent 
and faithless, experimenting perpetually on the limits of 

1 Letter from the Private Secretary (J. R. Colvin), dated August 28th, 
1840, toB. H. Hodgson. Auckland MSS., Vol. XIII. 

The same to the same, dated October loth, 1 840. -Auckland MSS., 
Vol. XIII. 

3 Secretary to Government of India, dated October 26th, 1840, para. 12, 
to the Resident at Kathmandu. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 191 

our forbearance without open war." l " My health is pretty 
good, and I am prudent and careful of it for your sakes, 
feeding and drinking like a hermit, and casting research 
and mental labour aside, as soon as my office duties are 
discharged." * 

By the end of October Lord Auckland said plainly that 
an expedition against Nepal was for that year impossible. 
He applauded Hodgson's efforts to obtain by diplomacy 
the change of Ministry which he had anticipated as the 
result of a war. At the beginning of November he officially 
authorised the Resident " to promote to the utmost degree, 
consistent with prudence, the object of procuring the 
removal of the present Ministers of Nepal, and the appoint- 
ment of a friendly and honest administration in their 
place." 3 

The day before this despatch was written in Calcutta 
Hodgson had secured the desired result at Kathmandu, 
and a change in the Nepalese Ministry had been quietly 
carried out. On November 1st, 1840, the Queen's favourite 
Pandi was dismissed, and one of the royal collaterals " was 
nominated to the Premiership." 4 This meant the public 
abandonment of the war party by the Raja, and congratu- 
lations poured in upon the Resident. "I congratulate 
you," wrote Mr. Thoby Prinsep, now a member of the 
Governor-General's Council, " on the issues of your late 
troublesome negotiations. They are all you could wish, 
and will gain you great and justly earned credit here and 
in Europe." Colonel Caulfield, the Resident at Lucknow, 
and as such the British representative nearest to the 
Nepalese frontier, expressed a soldier's hearty admiration. 
" You have been placed in a situation very delicate and 
trying, and you have done your work with wisdom, nerve, 

1 Letter to his father, dated May 2Oth ( 1840. 

8 To the same, dated July 8th, 1840. 

8 Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India (confidential), 
dated November 2nd, 1840. 

4 Narrative of events in Nepal, SH& anno 1840, by Lieutenant Nicho- 
letts, Assistant Resident, para. 13. India Office Records. 


and promptitude, meriting the approbation of Government 
and the encomiums of all." l " I congratulate you on your 
important successes at Kathmandu," wrote the Secretary 
to the supreme Government. " The credit will stick to 
you in Indian history." 2 

It was felt, indeed, that Hodgson had single-handed 
saved the necessity of a war at a time when war would have 
been an impossibility for the British Government. His 
skilful diplomacy was compared with the miserable entangle- 
ments into which we were being enmeshed in Afghanis- 
tan. " We entirely concur," wrote the Court of Directors 
to the Governor-General, " in the praises which you have 
bestowed on Mr. Hodgson." 3 He had performed his diffi- 
cult task without even a show of force. " Actual military 
operations," the Governor-General's Private Secretary wrote 
to him at the beginning of December, " cannot be thought 
of for this season, and you will remark that any violence 
or injury to you will be the greatest possible embarrass- 
ment to your Government ! " 4 

" The military demonstration," as that Government had 
truly called it/ 1 turned out to be only a demonstration. 
It consisted of a camp under Colonel Oliver at some dis- 
tance within our own border. 6 " The notion of defending 
500 miles of frontier by a fixed camp of 3,000 bayonets," 
wrote Hodgson in a private memorandum, " needs but to 

1 Letter dated November i6th, 1840. In citations from the Hodgson 
Private Papers, I am sometimes (although seldom) unable to verify from 
the official despatches, and have to quote from extracts or copies. 

* George Bushby, Secretary to the Government of India, dated 
November I4th, 1840. Hodgson Private Papers. 

3 Despatch from the Secret Committee of the Court of Directors, 
dated January 29th, 1841, para. 7. Hodgson Private Papers. 

4 J. R. Colvin to B. H. Hodgson, dated Calcutta, December 2nd, 
1840. Auckland MSS^ Vol. XIII. 

6 Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India, dated 
February 15th, 1841, para. 2, to the Resident. 

6 The force consisted of one squadron, 6th Light Cavalry ; the i2th, 
40th, and $6th Natwe Infantry ; a detail of Artillery ; and a detach- 
ment of Irregular Cavalry. Oldfield, I. 322. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 193 

be clearly stated to show its absurdity. For myself, I 
have always carefully endeavoured to guard against any 
such supposition when I have advised the movement of 
British [*>. Indian] troops, and have expressly stated that 
the object of such movement was merely to impress this 
Darbar with a conviction of the serious light in which its 
conduct was regarded." 

Long before the camp could be formed Hodgson secured 
the objects for which the demonstration had been designed. 
Encouraged by the approval of the Governor-General, he 
followed up the dismissal of the Queen's favourite Pandi 
on November 1st, 1840, by obtaining the appointment of a 
coalition Ministry composed of the royal collaterals who 
were always on the side of dynastic safety, and of the 
Brahman Raghunath who had proved himself a man of 
peace. The Senior Queen stood aside, watchful and 
vindictive, but powerless for the present. 

The Raja commenced the year 1841 by presenting a 
remarkable document to the Resident, in which he recounts 
the changes just made and his reasons for making them. 
11 The Governor-General, Lord Auckland/* so runs this 
royal missive, 1 " has written stating that it was necessary 
and proper to dismiss from office the individuals who had 
disturbed the friendly feeling existing between the British 
and Nepal Governments, and to appoint in their places 
others who had the good of the two Governments at heart, 
and that until the individuals who had so behaved have 
been dismissed, there could be no real friendship on the 
part of my Government. 

tc According therefore to the note received from you, I 
have inquired into the matter, and have decided upon 
dismissing those persons who have disturbed the good 
understanding existing between the two Governments, as 
shown in the subjoined list." 

1 " Translation of a Yaddasht from the Maharaja of Nepal to the 
address of the Resident, dated Saturday, January 2nd, 1841." Hodgson 
Private Papers. 



The document goes on to say that " whatever the Prime 
Minister and his colleagues now appointed may see fit to 
do in order to strengthen the bonds of real friendship be- 
tween the two Governments will meet with my approval." 
It quaintly concludes with lists of the " Individuals 
Appointed" and "Individuals Discharged" in parallel 

The nobles, particularly the royal collaterals and the 
Brahmans, rallied round the Raja and hailed with acclama- 
tion the change. Thanks to the British Resident, the 
reign of terror under the Queen's favourite was at an end. 
" The spiritual leaders, royal kinsmen, and chiefs of Nepal " 
joined together to the number of ninety-four, and signed 
a declaration friendly to our Government, taking on them- 
selves the responsibility for the safety of the British 
Resident in event of another mutiny or tumult such as 
occurred in the previous July. The document forms a 
curious proof of the personal esteem which Hodgson, with 
his firmness in public and his Brahman-like abstemiousness 
in private life, had won from the Nepalese nobility. The 
British Government considered it of such importance as 
to give it a permanent place in its Treaties and Engage- 
ments with Native States. 1 

" We the undersigned Gurus, Chauntrias, Chiefs, etc., of 
Nepal, fully agree to uphold the sentiments as written 
below, viz. That it is most desirable and proper that a 
firm and steady friendship should exist and be daily 
increased between the British and Nepal Governments ; 
that to this end every means should be taken to increase 
the friendly relations with the Company, and the welfare 
of the Nepal Government ; that the Resident should ever 
and always be treated in an honourable and friendly 
manner ; that if, nevertheless, any unforeseen circumstance 

1 " Translation of an Ikrar-namah, signed by the Gurus, Chauntrias, 
Chiefs, etc., of Nepal, dated Saturday, Poos Soodi 9th, 1897, or January 
2nd, 1841." Aitchison's Treaties, Engagements, and Sanads, Vol. II., 
pp. 178, 179. Ed. 1876. 

ix.l LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 1839-1843. 195 

or unjust or senseless proceeding should at any time arise 
to shake the friendly understanding which ought to exist 
between the two Governments, or to cause uproar or 
mischief at Kathmandu, we should be responsible for it. f> 
Signed by the ninety-four chiefs. 

Lord Auckland, full of his embarrassments in Afghan- 
istan, had scarcely dared to hope for success from 
Hodgson's unaided efforts in Nepal. Only twelve days 
before the above documents were signed, he wrote des- 
pondently to Hodgson, lamenting "that the expectations 
of effectual assistance from the well-disposed chiefs of 
Nepal, on which you had in the first instance been led 
to rely, have not been realised." 1 All the Governor- 
General could urge on Hodgson was to avoid a " direct 
collision " " at a moment when it might be impossible to 
render to you vigorous protection and support." 2 It was 
therefore with the greater sense of relief that Lord 
Auckland received the Raja's missive of January 2nd, 
1841, and the "agreement entered into by several influential 
chiefs and other individuals to maintain the alliance 
between the two Governments." " The Governor-General 
in Council, I have the honour to inform you," says the official 
despatch, "has been pleased to express his entire^ approval 
of your proceedings during the anxious period of these 
negotiations." 3 

Hodgson was now master of the situation. The Senior 
Queen, frantic at the discomfiture of her favourite, resolved 
to quit the country, and in February 1841 set off on a 
pilgrimage to Benares. The poor Raja once more lost 
heart, and followed her with intent to bring her back or 
to bear her company. Lord Auckland declared that this 
attempt " to enter the British territories without a pass- 

1 The Secretary to the Government of India, dated December 2ist, 
1840 (secret), to the Resident at Kathmandu. Auckland MSS. 

2 Idem., para. 6. 

3 Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India, dated January 
25th, 1841, para. 2 (secret), to the Resident at Kathmandu. Auck- 
land MSS. 


port must, in the actual state of the communications between 
the two Governments, be regarded as in the highest degree 
indecorous and unwarrantable." 1 On Hodgson fell the 
delicate task of persuading the royal party to come back. 
The Queen, imagining from the British Resident's efforts 
to procure her return that he must regard her as a very 
important personage, celebrated her re-entry into the 
capital by at once summoning her favourite Pandi to her 
presence ! 2 The city walls were placarded with denuncia- 
tions of the coalition cabinet, and with threats against the 
life of the new Prime Minister. 3 Everything seemed once 
more to point to a counter-revolution. 

In these intrigues the Senior Queen found a new ally. 
Her eldest son, the heir-apparent, although only about 
twelve years old, 4 had acquired considerable importance 
since his marriage, and his mother played upon his jealousy 
of the Junior Queen's children to make him her tool. 
" This young prince," writes the historian of Nepal, " who 
appeared to have a most ungovernable temper, as well as a 
most inhuman disposition, amused his leisure hours by acts 
of the grossest cruelty performed not only upon animals 
but upon men, who were tortured and mutilated in his 
presence upon the slightest and often most unjust grounds, 
for no other object than to gratify his brutal passions. 
The Raja, instead of exercising any restraint upon these 
excesses of his son, constantly tried to evade all responsi- 
bility for his own acts under cover of pretended coercion 
on the part of the prince, of whose violence he professed 
to be afraid." 6 

1 Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India, dated 
March 3rd, 1841, to the Resident at Kathmandti. 

' Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Memorandum, sub anno 1841, para. 
rj. India Office Records. 3 Idem., para. 26. 

4 Sri Surendra Vikram Sah, born 1829. Native Chronicle, quoted by 
Wright, p. 284. Ed. 1877. 

5 Oldfielf Vol. I., p. 326. Ed. 1880. Dr. Oldfield was Residency 
Surgeon at Kathmandu from 1850 to 1863, and Honorary Assistant 
Resident during the last four years of that period. 

t ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 197 

The Queen-Mother, still intent on deposing her husband 
and ruling as regent during the minority of her son, 
managed to put the young prince to the front on all public 
occasions. In May 1841 the British Resident and the 
officers of his suite attended the marriage of the Raja's 
second son. At this great ceremonial, says the official 
report, " it was generally noticed as strange that the heir- 
apparent preceded his Highness the Maharaja in the 
cortege." 1 The Raja as usual succumbed to the influence 
of the Senior Queen, and the Coalition Ministry found their 
^ood intentions towards the British Government stultified 
by her palace intrigues. In January 1841 the Raja, when 
appointing that Ministry, had written to the Governor- 
General a letter of frank repentance. 4< I beg to inform your 
Lordship that I take shame -to myself for the various mis- 
understandings which have taken place, owing to the wicked 
advice of my late counsellors, and that I am determined 
to adopt measures for the prevention of such a state of 
things in future. I therefore hope and trust that your 
Lordship will kindly pardon and overlook the past." a Be- 
fore three months passed, the new Ministers were trembling 
for their heads; all redress was denied for fresh wrongs 
on British subjects ; fugitives from British justice were 
harboured within the Ncpalcsc frontier ; and a counter- 
revolution had been secretly accomplished, leaving the 
Coalition Ministry nominally responsible for the vindictive 
policy of the Senior Queen. 

In April 1841 the Governor-General had to face the 
possibility of the Coalition Ministry, appointed in January 
under British auspices, being subjected to the horrors 
perpetrated on Bhim Sen and his supporters two years 
previously. All he could do was to instruct Hodgson " to 

1 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Narrative, sub anno 1841, para. 21. 
India Office Records. 

8 Translation of a Kharita from the Raja of Nepal to the Right 
Honourable the Governor-General, dated January 4th, 1841. Hodgson 
Private Papers. 


use the language of earnest expostulation or of firm but 
temperate remonstrance," as the occasion might demand. 1 
So Hodgson was left to encounter what threatened to be 
another sanguinary crisis, and to out-manoeuvre the furious 
Queen, with the knowledge that no force was available to 
back him, and merely with orders to do what he could. 

The months which followed were among the most anxious 
in his life. But whatever he himself felt, he made the 
Queen and her war party also feel that he was too danger- 
ous to be openly attacked. He never showed his hand, 
and the Queen could not free herself from the apprehension 
that so much confidence was a confidence conscious of 
strength. Once more the Raja feebly oscillated back to 
the British alliance ; the Queen did not dare to deliver her 
blow at the Coalition Ministry, and that Ministry, under 
Hodgson's support, was reconstituted on a firmer basis. 

Before the end of the summer of 1841, Hodgson could 
report that the crisis was over, and that the Queen was 
spending her wrath in wall-placards. In August the 
Governor-General congratulated him "that the arrogant 
and furious spirit of the Queen and her faction is giving 
way to a milder vein, and that the present Ministry will be 
enabled to resume their functions under more favourable 
auspices." " His Lordship in Council will be much gratified 
to hear of any arrangement of affairs in Nepal which you 
shall consider likely to be favourable and stable, and which 
sh all secure to your Government its legitimate influence in 
the counsels of that State, without a resort to measures of 
actual hostility." 2 

" Lord Auckland," the Secretary wrote privately, 3 " in a 
note just come from him says : ' Mr. Hodgson has done 
extremely well again, so that I would not interfere with him 

1 Letter from Secretary to Government of India, Secret Department 
dated April 26th, 1841. Auckland MSS. 

' Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India, Secret 
Department, dated August i6th, 1841. Auckland MSS. 

9 T. H. Maddock to B. H. Hodgson, dated August 12th, 1841. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 199 

by any peremptory instructions, but leave him to follow 
his own sound judgment. He is quite right in assuming 
that I am not desirous of a war with Nepal/ " 

The victory over the war party being again won, the 
usual results followed. The long-delayed redress was 
granted to British subjects and merchants ; refugee Thugs 
and robber-chiefs were surrendered by the Nepalese frontier 
authorities ; and the Queen quitted the capital in a rage. 
She felt that this defeat was her final one, and, in spite of 
the deadly season in the Tarai jungles, she set off for 
Benares, resolved to spend the rest of her days in religious 
solitude. Her feeble-minded husband would as usual have 
followed her, and might perhaps have persuaded her to 
return. But the poor passionate lady caught jungle fever, 
and on October 6th, 1841, she died on her way to the 
plains. The peace Ministry, as reconstituted under British 
auspices, at once became supreme in Nepal. Then at 
length the Governor-General felt that the danger from 
Nepal was for the time being at an end. " I congratulate 
you," he wrote with his own hand to Hodgson, "upon 
the honourable results of your well-directed and most per- 
severing labours." 1 "I heartily congratulate you," Lord 
Auckland again wrote with his own hand a few weeks 
later, as the good working of his peace Ministry developed, 
" upon the results of your diplomatic labours." * 

The Government of India in its collective capacity was 
not tardy to tender its thanks. It left the removal or 
retention of the troops near the frontier entirely to 
Hodgson's discretion. "In conclusion," runs one despatch, 
" I am desired to convey to you the high approbation of 
Government of the great ability, judgment, and persever- 
ance which you have manifested in your late tedious 
and difficult negotiations." 3 How narrow had been the 

1 Lord Auckland to B. H. Hodgson, dated Calcutta, November I4th, 
1841. Auckland MSS. 

2 The same to the same, dated December I2th, 1841. 

3 Letter from Government of India to Resident at Kathmandu, 
dated December 22nd, 1841, para. 3. Hodgson Private Papers. 


escape from a Nepalese war effected by those negotiations, 
and how eagerly it was welcomed by sensible men in the 
Government of India, may be judged from the following 

During the summer of 1841, a member of the Governor- 
General's Council wrote to Hodgson that he had long fixed 
that autumn for going home, but a war with Nepal seemed 
so impossible to avoid that he could not in honour leave 
his post. By December 1841 our envoy in Afghanistan 
knew that his last hope from the British garrison there was 
gone, and that it only remained to face ruin. In January 
1842 the British forces in Afghanistan, "a crouching, 
drooping, dispirited army" of 4,500 men with 12,000 
camp-followers stumbling along "as they best could 
through the snow and slush," started on the ghastly retreat 
through the passes. Of those doomed thousands, " one man 
only, fainting from wounds, hunger, and exhaustion, was 
borne on by his jaded pony to the walls of Jalalabad." a If 
I have not dwelt on the anxieties which were eating the 
heart of the Government of India during the years of 
Hodgson's single-handed struggle to maintain peace with 
honour in Nepal, it is because his work was in itself so 
good that it needs no adventitious circumstances to enhance 
its value. Before the end of January 1842 Lord Auckland 
learned that the Kabul force had been annihilated in the 

Hodgson's success formed indeed almost the one break 
of light amid the general gloom. The Nepalese Raja, set 
free from the influence of his furious wife and not yet 
subjected to that of her equally furious son, showed a 
genuine desire to stand well with the British Government 
At the end of 1841 he placed at our disposal the Nepal 
forces for war employment. " I have been highly grati- 
fied," Lord Auckland wrote to the Raja shortly before the 
news of the final catastrophe amid the Afghan snows 

1 The Earl of Auckland, by Captain L. J. Trotter (Rulers of India 
Series), p. 163. Ed. 1893. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 2OI 

reached Calcutta, "by your friendly letter tendering for 
the use of my Government in Ava or Afghanistan the 
services of your Highness's army. For this friendly offer 
accept my warm acknowledgments. For I must regard it 
as a proof of your amiable feeling and desire tc promote 
the interests of the British Government." Lord Auckland 
goes on to explain the circumstances which prevented 
him at that time from accepting his Highness's proposal. 
Mindful, however, of Hodgson's often-urged scheme for 
the incorporation of a Gurkha element into the Company's 
forces, he thus concludes : 

" Under these circumstances I should have no immediate 
means of availing myself of the services of the Gurkha 
army. But I July appreciate their value as brave and 
well-disciplined soldiers, and if any future occasion should 
arise when they might co-operate with the British forces it 
would afford me the greatest satisfaction to see the Gurkha 
and the British soldier marching side by side as friends and 
allies to the attack of a common enemy." * Lord Auckland 
did not live to witness this idea realised. But Hodgson re- 
mained to urge it successfully on another Governor-General 
in a still greater crisis of the British fortunes in India, and 
to see it permanently worked out in the Gurkha regiments 
which now form so distinguished a part of the British- 
Indian army. 

With his usual candour he made Lord Auckland clearly 
understand the limitations which rendered it unsafe to 
regard his diplomatic success as complete. The death of 
the Senior Queen had for the time deprived the war party 
in Nepal of its head. But it only opened the way to the 
ambitious designs of her eldest son. The heir-apparent 
fell under the influence of the Pandis, and in spite of his 
youth was pushed forward by them into the political leader- 
ship formerly held by his mother. The Junior Queen, as 
now chief wife of the Raja, began to intrigue for her own 

1 Letter from the Governor-General to H.H. the Maharaja of Nepal, 
dated January 22nd f 1842. Auckland MSS. 


two sons. Accordingly the year 1842 opened with three 
distinct parties in Nepal : first, the feeble Raja, supported 
by the peace Ministry of royal collaterals and the spiritual 
chiefs, which had been formed under Hodgson's auspices ; 
second, the heir-apparent, who, at the head of the Pandis 
and war party, was working for the deposition of the Raja 
in his own favour ; third, the surviving Queen, who was 
working for the supersession of the heir-apparent on the 
plea of his insanity, in favour of her eldest son. 

A fantastical incident showed the explosive state which 
these parties quickly reached. The Senior Queen's death 
had, as usual in Nepal, been ascribed to poison, and the 
rumour to that effect was noticed in an Anglo-Indian 
newspaper. The Raja, ablaze with indignation, demanded 
an interview from the Resident. " Mr. Hodgson started 
for the palace, but much to his astonishment," says the 
official narrative, " he had scarcely reached the Residency 
gate, when he saw the Maharaja and heir-apparent stand- 
ing on the road attended by several chiefs." 1 Hodgson 
tried to calm his Highness by assurances that "every 
exertion would be made by the Governor-General to 
discover the author of the slanderous tale." " Tell the 
Governor-General," the Raja exclaimed in a fury, " that he 
must and shall give him up. I will have him and flay him 
alive, and rub him with salt and lemon until he die. Further, 
tell the Governor-General that if this infamous calumniator 
is not delivered up, there shall be war between us." 2 Upon 
this the heir-apparent stopped his father with insulting 
epithets and blows, striking him again and again. After 
re-enacting the miserable scene of violence in his Spiritual 
Director's garden, the hot fit passed off, and the Raja made 
a humble apology to the British Resident. 

A month after the news of the annihilation of our Kabul 
force reached Calcutta, Lord Auckland was succeeded by 
Lord Ellenborough on February 28th, 1842. Lord 

1 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Memorandum, sub anno 1842, para. 
27. India Office Records. * Idem. 

ix] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 203 

Auckland's long Governor-Generalship of six years ended 
amid a gloom such as had never overshadowed British 
rule in India since the Black Hole of Calcutta in 1756. 
During its last dismal week, not only Lord Auckland but 
the provincial chiefs in Northern India looked anxiously 
to Hodgson to prevent their flank being turned by an 
outbreak from Nepal. " If you can continue," wrote the 
Lieutenant-Governor of the North-Wcstern Provinces to 
Hodgson on February 24th, 1842, "with the same success 
as heretofore to divert the Darbar from war, you will 
indeed have accomplished a most important diversion in 
our favour." 

Hodgson, as I have mentioned, was scrupulous to explain 
the limitations imposed by the temper of the heir-apparent 
and military party in Nepal upon any diplomatic success. 
But in the view of the Governor-General that success was 
ample, for it kept Nepal from striking in at the moment of 
our weakness and defeat. During his last four days of 
office Lord Auckland congratulated Hodgson both publicly 
and privately upon the results actually achieved. "Once 
more I congratulate you on the successful results of your 
negotiations," he wrote to Hodgson on February 24th, 
i842. 1 On his final day as Governor-General he sent a 
formal despatch to Hodgson, stating that "the issue of 
your late proceedings has been so successful as to prove 
that you have acted throughout these transactions with 
a thorough knowledge of the native character, and with a 
degree of skill, prudence, and forbearance that is highly 
creditable to you. His Lordship begs to congratulate you 
on the favourable issue of your last struggle." - 

The Earl of Ellenborough had been appointed by the 
Court of Directors in October 1841, when the advices from 
India were still comparatively favourable. But his arrival 
at the climax of our disasters in Afghanistan made the 

1 Auckland MSS. 

9 Secretary to Government of India to Resident in Nepal, February 
28th, 1842. Hodgson Private Papers. 


two sons. Accordingly the year 1842 opened with three 
distinct parties in Nepal : first, the feeble Raja, supported 
by the peace Ministry of royal collaterals and the spiritual 
chiefs, which had been formed under Hodgson's auspices ; 
second, the heir-apparent, who, at the head of the Pandis 
and war party, was working for the deposition of the Raja 
in his own favour ; third, the surviving Queen, who was 
working for the supersession of the heir-apparent on the 
plea of his insanity, in favour of her eldest son. 

A fantastical incident showed the explosive state which 
these parties quickly reached. The Senior Queen's death 
had, as usual in Nepal, been ascribed to poison, and the 
rumour to that effect was noticed in an Anglo-Indian 
newspaper. The Raja, ablaze with indignation, demanded 
an interview from the Resident. " Mr. Hodgson started 
for the palace, but much to his astonishment," says the 
official narrative, " he had scarcely reached the Residency 
gate, when he saw the Maharaja and heir-apparent stand- 
ing on the road attended by several chiefs." 1 Hodgson 
tried to calm his Highness by assurances that "every 
exertion would be made by the Governor-General to 
discover the author of the slanderous talc." " Tell the 
Governor-General," the Raja exclaimed in a fury, " that he 
must and shall give him up. I will have him and flay him 
alive, and rub him with salt and lemon until he die. Further, 
tell the Governor-General that if this infamous calumniator 
is not delivered up, there shall be war between us." 2 Upon 
this the heir-apparent stopped his father with insulting 
epithets and blows, striking him again and again. After 
re-enacting the miserable scene of violence in his Spiritual 
Director's garden, the hot fit passed off, and the Raja made 
a humble apology to the British Resident. 

A month after the news of the annihilation of our Kabul 
force reached Calcutta, Lord Auckland was succeeded by 
Lord Ellenborough on February 28th, 1842. Lord 

1 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Memorandum, sub anno 1842, para. 
27. India Office Records. * Idem. 

ix] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 203 

Auckland's long Governor-Generalship of six years ended 
amid a gloom such as had never overshadowed British 
rule in India since the Black Hole of Calcutta in 1756. 
During its last dismal week, not only Lord Auckland but 
the provincial chiefs in Northern India looked anxiously 
to Hodgson to prevent their flank being turned by an 
outbreak from Nepal. " If you can continue," wrote the 
Licutenant-Governor of the North-Western Provinces to 
Hodgson on February 24th, 1842, " with the same success 
as heretofore to divert the Darbar from war, you will 
indeed have accomplished a most important diversion in 
our favour." 

Hodgson, as 1 have mentioned, was scrupulous to explain 
the limitations imposed by the temper of the heir-apparent 
and military party in Nepal upon any diplomatic success. 
But in the view of the Governor-General that success was 
ample, for it kept Nepal from striking in at the moment of 
our weakness and defeat. During his last four days of 
office Lord Auckland congratulated Hodgson both publicly 
and privately upon the results actually achieved. "Once 
more I congratulate you on the successful results of your 
negotiations," he wrote to Hodgson on February 24th, 
I842. 1 On his final day as Governor-General he sent a 
formal despatch to Hodgson, stating that "the issue of 
your late proceedings has been so successful as to prove 
that you have acted throughout these transactions with 
a thorough knowledge of the native character, and with a 
degree of skill, prudence, and forbearance that is highly 
creditable to you. His Lordship begs to congratulate you 
on the favourable issue of your last struggle." 2 

The Earl of Ellenborough had been appointed by the 
Court of Directors in October 1841, when the advices from 
India were still comparatively favourable. But his arrival 
at the climax of our disasters in Afghanistan made the 

1 Auckland MSS. 

* Secretary to Government of India to Resident in Nepal, February 
28th, 1842. Hodgson Private Papers. 


change of rulers appear almost an act of recall, although 
Lord Auckland had already been retained as Governor- 
General l for a year beyond the usual term. Lord Ellen- 
borough's incautious talk gave countenance to this idea, 
and he very soon showed that he believed his mission to 
be a reversal of his predecessor's measures and the super- 
session of his predecessor's men. Perhaps it was with this 
foreboding in his mind that Lord Auckland penned his 
last letter to Hodgson from the Sandheads as his ship was 
standing off to sea. 

" I write these few hasty lines to you, to take leave of 
you, and to wish you such good health as may enable you 
to complete your labours in Nepal, and afterwards to enjoy 
many years of comfort in England. It is most satisfactory 
to me on the eve of my departure from India, and when 
there is so much of gloom and danger in one quarter of 
our political horizon, that the prospects in regard to Nepal 
are better and more promising than they have long been. 
Once more I thank you for all you have done, and I wish 
you well." 3 

Of the remarkable man who succeeded Lord Auckland 
on February 28th, 1842, it is even now difficult to 
speak. Endowed with his father's gifts of forensic skill 
and eloquence, Lord Ellenborough's oratory won for him 
a reputation in Parliament which was never altogether 
lost by his mingled vacillation and rashness in action. 
History writes of his brief Indian career in the language of 
indignation. Its verdict may in several respects require to 
be reconsidered and in certain details to be modified. My 
purview is here restricted to his connection with Nepal. 
There as everywhere he determined from the outset to 
make his personality felt. In order, however, to under- 
stand his action in Nepal, it is necessary to have some 
idea of the general tenour of his administration and of the 

1 March 4th, 1836, to February 28th, 1842. 

2 Letter marked " private " from Lord Auckland to B. H. Hodgson, 
dated March 7th, 1842, from the Sandheads. Hodgson Private Papers. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 205 

character of the man. For the present I prefer to quote 
the summing up of the most smooth-voiced of Indian 
historians rather than to myself pronounce on the idiosyn- 
crasies which led to Lord Ellenborough's recall at the end 
of two years. 

" He went to India the avowed champion of peace, and 
he was incessantly engaged in war. For the Afghan war 
he was not, indeed, accountable he found it on his hands ; 
and in the mode in which he proposed to conclude it, and 
in which he would have concluded it but for the remon- 
strances of his military advisers, he certainly displayed no 
departure from the ultra-pacific policy which he had professed 
in England. The triumphs with which the perseverance 
of the generals commanding in Afghanistan graced his 
administration seem have altered his views ; 
and the desire of military glory thenceforward supplanted 
every other feeling in his breast. He would have shunned 
war in Afghanistan by a course which the majority of his 
countrymen would pronounce dishonourable. He might 
without dishonour have avoided war in Sind, and possibly 
have averted hostilities at Gwalior : but he did not. For 
the internal improvement of India he did nothing. He 
had, indeed, little time to do anything. 

"War, and preparation for war, absorbed most of his 
hours, and in a theatrical display of childish pomp many 
more were consumed. With an extravagant confidence in 
his own judgment, even on points which he had never 
studied, he united no portion of steadiness or constancy. 
His purposes were formed and abandoned with a levity 
which accorded little with the offensive tone which he 
manifested in their defence, so long as they were enter- 
tained. His administration was not an illustration of 
any marked and consistent course of policy; it was an 
aggregation of isolated facts. It resembled an ill-con- 
structed drama, in which no one incident is the result of 
that by which it was preceded, nor a just and natural 
preparation for that which is to follow. Everything in it 


stands alone and unconnected. His influence shot across 
the Asiatic world like a meteor, and, but for the indelible 
brand of shame indented in Sind, like a meteor its memory 
would pass from the mind with its disappearance." 1 

On his arrival in Calcutta Lord Ellenborough found the 
Government of India rallying from the Kabul disaster. 
On March i$th, 1842, that Government, with the new 
Governor-General at its head, laid down a programme to 
retrieve its honour. 2 All garrisons in Afghanistan then 
surrounded by the enemy were to be relieved. A strong 
point was made of re-occupying Kabul " even for a week," 
so that "we should retire as a conquering, not as a de- 
feated power." 

Unfortunately Lord Ellenborough proceeded shortly 
afterwards to the interior, unattended by his Council. 
On receiving further bad news from the North-Western 
frontier his courage failed, and in April he ordered the 
withdrawal of our forces from Afghanistan the southern 
force to Sukkur on the Indus, the northern force " into 
positions within the Khaibar." 

The British generals hesitated to accept what they 
deemed a disgraceful and disastrous change. By the 
middle of May the Governor-General began to veer round 
to a bolder policy, and acquiesced in their postponement 
of the withdrawal. As they made their force felt in 
Afghanistan, Lord Ellenborough gradually regained con- 
fidence, and sanctioned their advance on Kabul. But he 
had not the courage to boldly avow the fact of his 
vacillation. On July 8th, 1842, he even wrote to the 
Secret Committee that his instructions had induced Major- 
General Pollock to contemplate a forward movement ! 
Only -two days previously he had penned a remarkable 

1 The History of the British Empire in India, by Edward Thornton, 
Vol. VI., pp. 548, 549. Ed. 1841-45. 

3 The two following sentences are condensed from the instructions 
of the Government of India to Sir Jasper Nicolls, the Commander-in- 
Chief, dated March I5th, 1842. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 2O? 

letter to the Queen, apparently with a view to gloss over 
his change of mind. He represented to her Majesty that 
what was in reality an advance of an army of retribution 
upon Kabul was merely an option given to General Nott 
" of retiring by the route of Ghazni and Kabul, instead of 
that of Ouettah and Sukkur, to the Indus." 1 

It is not needful here to inquire how far this vacillation 
was justified. It suffices to state that, taken along with 
the moral cowardice of the attempt to gloss it over, it 
caused dismay to the British administrators throughout 
India, and an outburst of jubilation among the disaffected 
of the Native Chiefs. 

In Nepal, which lay adjacent for six hundred miles to 
our main line of communication through Northern India 
and could cut it at half a *o/.cn points, the effect was 
startling. To the war party it seemed that, not only the 
time had come, but also the man. It appeared incredible that 
the British fortunes in India would ever again be entrusted 
to such feeble hands. They got the Court astrologers to 
declare that the heir-apparent was an " Incarnation " 
destined to " extirpate the Feringhis." 2 Our military demon- 
stration towards the Nepalese frontier was forgotten upon 
the withdrawal of the standing camp in Fcbruaiy 1842, 
and the Pandi faction "was daily amusing the young 
prince with mock fights between the English and Gurk- 
has. The English were represented by a set of low- 
caste ragamuffins dressed in British uniform and with 
faces painted white, and under the command of some pariah 
who was attired in full-dress uniform of an English general. 
The Gurkhas were commanded by a son of the late Premier 
and by Kulraj Pandi himself. Of course these actions 
were all made to end in the ignominious defeat of the 

1 Letter from Lord Ellenborough to the Queen, dated Allahabad, July 
6th, 1842. The Indian Administration of Lord Ellenborough, being 
his letters edited by Lord Colchester, p. 39. Ed. 1874. 

9 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Memorandum, sub anno 1842, para. 
29, etc. 


supposed British forces ; and the poor devils who repre- 
sented them were in the end often seriously, and even 
cruelly, maltreated by the victorious Gurkhas in order to 
add a little more life and piquancy to the burlesque. A 
little real blood being shed would be sure to make the 
exhibition more attractive to his Royal Highness." l 

Two months after the news of the annihilation of our 
Kabul force, the war excitement in Nepal exploded in 
an outrage on the Residency. The Raja, finding himself 
powerless to control his son, announced his intention of 
abdicating in the prince's favour. The peace Ministry of 
the royal collaterals found themselves equally powerless to 
control the war party, and could only give a trembling 
support to the Resident by secret warnings. A lawsuit 
with a British-Indian subject trading with Nepal was made 
the pretext for an outbreak. This man, Kasinath by name, 
the representative of a mercantile house at Benares, had 
during two years * been living within the Residency bounds 
under medical treatment for a painful disease, while prose- 
cuting his claims and defending counter-claims in the 
dilatory courts of Kathmandu. 3 Suddenly on the morning 
of April 23rd, 1842, writes Hodgson in one of his 
private notes, "my people hurried into my room with the 
intelligence that the Raja attended by a large train was 
approaching the Embassy, and that in rear of him but in 
sight was a regiment of soldiers with loaded arms. 

" The news came from the friendly Ministers, who, taken 
by surprise, could only send me a word of caution and 
hurry after the Raja to the Residency. Accompanied by 
Dr. Christie, who happened to be with me at the moment, 
I hastened to the entrance gate, at the same time sending 

1 Oldfield, Vol. L, p. 327. Ed. 1880. 

* Statement by Lieutenant F. Smith, in command of the Resident's 
Escort (Appendix VII., Secret Consultations of the Government of India, 
August 3rd, 1842, No. 66). India Office MSS. 

3 The case is stated at great length in the Petition of Kasinath Mull 
of Benares to the Resident at Kathmandu, dated February 27th, 1842. 
Secret Consultations of August 3rd, 1842, No. 51. 

ix. LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 

word to the commanding officer of my escort to bring his 
men quickly for the ostensible purpose of making the usual 
salute to the sovereign. I thought that, in case of contem- 
plated violence, the presence of the escort for the purpose 
of salute might prove a deterrent, though of course no 
effectual protection if the worst came to the worst. When 
I got to the gate the Raja had already arrived with his son 
and a huge posse of retainers and chiefs, among the latter 
the friendly Ministers. 

" With little preface the Raja said to me he had come to 
demand and to insist on the surrender of the merchant. I 
explained that he could not be given up, because the case 
was not one of disputed jurisdiction but of strong-handed 
interference with all legal proceedings." * " Kasinath then, 
at Mr. Hodgson's request," says the official narrative, 2 
" made his obeisance to the Raja and declared he had no 
wish or intention of opposing him, and that all he wanted 
was justice. The Raja then ordered him to be seized." 

" Notwithstanding the Raja's vehemence of demand/' 
to resume from Hodgson's own note, " I steadfastly but 
courteously continued to refuse compliance. His High- 
ness at length rushed at the poor merchant and attempted 
to bear him off. I threw my arm round the merchant 
and said sternly to the Raja, ' You take both of us or 
neither.' This was more than the Raja could screw up his 
resolution to do, although his hot-headed son urged him to 
do it with abuse and even blows. Seizing the moment, I 
made an appeal to the Raja's better feeling (I had known 
him from his boyhood), and thus at length I cast the 
balance against the mischief-makers. But it was not until 

1 Hodgson's habitual moderation when speaking of an opponent 
appears here. The scene is described by the Escort Officer in his 
official narrative as follows : " I found the Raja in a great passion and 
insisting that Kasinath should be given up to him. The Resident 
remonstrated, saying he was a British subject and could not. The 
Raja then became very violent." Lieutenant F. Smith's Statement, / 
supra (India Office MSS.). 

9 Lieutenant F. Smith's Statement, itt supra. 


a full hour of imminent risk had elapsed, during which the 
friendly chiefs, as they passed and repassed me in the 
surging crowd, dropped in my ear the words : ' Be patient 
and firm ; all depends on you. We cannot act now, but 
we can and will exact an apology when the Raja's fit of 
violence has abated, and we have got him away. 1 " 

Later in the day, the Raja and his heir-apparent made a 
second attempt in person to seize the man an attempt 
again frustrated by Hodgson's calm determination that 
they must take himself as prisoner as well as the merchant, 
or neither. Eventually they calmed down and sent 
the friendly Ministers to negotiate with the Resident. 
Hodgson declared "that he could only be guided by the 
rules of his office ; but if they would prepare a statement 
of the case and their decision, he would submit it to the 
Governor-General in Council for his orders." 1 In the end 
the merchant of his own accord went with the friendly 
Ministers and made his obeisance to the Raja, the Prime 
Minister and chief spiritual head of the State "being 
security for his safety and return to the Residency." 

Hodgson reported the occurrence to his Government, 
and received in answer a letter dated May 8th, 1842, 
which disclosed the change of attitude towards him that 
had accompanied the change of Governor-Generals. Lord 
Ellenborough " had been led to indulge the hope that the 
communications between the two States would henceforth 
have been of the most amicable and courteous character." 2 
It is scarcely needful to repeat that neither his predecessor 
Lord Auckland, nor his Council in Calcutta from whom 
the new Governor-General was then separated by six 
hundred miles, nor Hodgson himself, had ever indulged in 
any such hope of permanent cordiality. 

1 Lieutenant F. Smith's " Statement of what occurred on Saturday, 
April 23rd, iZqz" India Office MSS. 

3 Secret Consultations of the Government of India of August 3rd, 
1842, No. 67, Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India 
with the Governor-General to the Resident in Nepal, dated Allahabad, 
May 8th, 1842, para. 3. India Office MSS. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 211 

Lord Ellenborough, therefore, heard of the recent affair 
"with much disappointment and regret." He was good 
enough, however, to say that " his Lordship cannot believe 
that you would act in a manner so entirely contrary to 
the known views and wishes of your Government as to 
attempt to extend the privileges of British subjects or your 
own authority beyond the just limits which the laws of 
nations and a solemn Treaty assign to them ; still less that 
you would evince a want of personal consideration for a 
friendly and independent sovereign. Nor could his 
Lordship believe, on the other hand, that that sovereign 
could so far forget his personal dignity and the obligations 
of the public law and Treaty as to offer an intentional insult 
tc the Representative at his Court of a sincerely friendly 
Power and to place under prosecution a British subject." 

Meanwhile his Lordship thinks that the State presents 
on their way from Nepal, in honour of his accession to the 
Governor-Generalship, " at a moment when the cloud of 
misunderstanding has passed over the sun of friendship," 
" should await the period when that sun shall burst forth 
in all its former effulgence to give light and splendour and 
prosperity to two great and friendly States." 

Hodgson did not know exactly what to make of this 
letter in Lord Ellenborough's finest vein. He felt that 
somehow he was placed on his defence by a Governor- 
General absolutely ignorant of the situation. The letter 
was to be communicated to the Raja a letter rot only 
full of pompous inanities, but one which would, in 
Hodgson's judgment, undo the good results of Lord 
Auckland's policy in Nepal and endanger the lives of the 
friendly Ministers. He therefore determined to take upon 
himself the responsibility of not delivering it. He com- 
municated, however, a modification of its views to the 
Raja in less injudicious terms, reported his action to the 
Governor-General, and hoped for his Lordship's approval 
when the facts were fully laid before him. The Governor- 
General replied, after some intermediate rebukes, that " the 


step you have taken is not only in direct disobedience of 
the instructions you received, but it may tend to produce 
serious embarrassment to the Government, by compelling 
it to adopt an extreme course with respect to the Raja 
of Nepal at a time when it is certainly not desirable 
to create a division of the British forces and to impose 
new burdens on the finances." His Lordship directed, 
therefore, that "you will be relieved in your situation of 
Resident at the Court of Nepal at the earliest period at 
which the season and the exigencies of the public service 
may permit such relief to take place." l 

There were circumstances which rendered this decision 
peculiarly harsh. It was the decision of the Governor- 
General alone, without a single member of his Council to 
advise him of a Governor-General who had only been a 
few months in the country, and who was so completely 
ignorant of our relations with Nepal that he asked 
Hodgson during the same summer foi- a return of the 
Nepalese troops which he imagined to be at the Resident's 
disposal! Lord Ellenborough possibly thought that 
Hodgson had not taken advantage of the opportunity 
afforded to him for explaining matters in person to his 
Lordship. In his letter of May 8th the Governor-General 
expressed his desire for a personal conference, and directed 
Hodgson "to join his camp as soon as the season will 
permit you to do so." Lord Ellenborough was not aware 
that, for a man in Hodgson's state of health, the journey 
through the Tarai for some months to come meant probable 
death. Hodgson deputed his secretary to the Governor- 
General's camp, with excuses for his personal attendance 
until the malarious months should be past. But this only 
gave further offence. 2 

1 Letter from the Secretary with Governor-General to the Resident of 
Nepal, dated Allahabad, June 2ist, 1842. Hodgson Papers. 

* Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Governor-General to the Resident at Kathmandu, dated June I2th, 
1842, para. 2. India Office Records. 

IX.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 213 

The essential point was that Hodgson had declined, at 
his own risk and pending further instructions, to carry out 
orders which in his opinion would have frustrated the 
policy that Lord Auckland and his Council had built up 
in Nepal, and which would have imperilled the lives of the 
peace Ministers whom that policy had raised to office. " I 
believed," he at once wrote to the Government on receipt 
of his dismissal, " that the literal execution of your orders 
of the 8th ult. threatened immediately and suddenly to 
destroy the whole fabric of that policy ; perhaps also to 
bury in its ruins numerous distinguished chiefs, whose 
pledges of co-operation had been as solemnly tendered to 
as accepted by my Government, and the services of the 
principal of whom in the capacity of Ministers of this State 
had just received the highe >t .applause from the Governor- 
General in Council ; and lastly to precipitate that very 
crisis which Lord Ellenborough sought to avoid, as well as 
to strip us of all the means to meet it when it came. 

" I believed, moreover, that these far-reaching effects, 
enveloped as to their sources and quality in the transac- 
tions of the four years just past, could scarcely have been at 
all present to the mind of the Governor-General, by reason 
of his Lordship's so recent arrival, when the instructions in 
question were issued ; and that it was my duty, therefore, to 
pause and explain them ; carefully in the meantime studying 
to ward off all risk of crisis during his Lordship's delibera- 
tion, and endeavouring, if possible, to accomplish the end 
and object of his orders, so that it might be done in sure 
exemption from that risk. Whilst intent upon the realisa- 
tion of these essential points, I considered myself as 
virtually accomplishing my instructions." 1 

It is not needful to weigh nicely the arguments for and 
against the line of action which Hodgson adopted. In 
failing to carry out the orders of the Governor-General he 

1 Letter from the Resident in Nepal to T. H. Maddock, Esq., Secretary 
to the Government of India with the Governor-General, dated June 
30th, 1842, paras. 4, 5, 6. Hodgson Papers. 


took on himself a very serious responsibility, and he was 
ready to abide by the consequences. Such a case could 
scarcely arise at the present day. The more rapid means 
of communication by railway, post, and telegraph have 
placed the British Agents at Native Courts in daily, or if 
necessary in hourly, touch with the Governor-General in 
Council. All the facts and arguments known to a Political 
Resident may now within a few minutes be laid before the 
central Government, and his action in any crisis embodies 
the decision of that Government with the whole circum- 
stances before it. The constitution of the Government of 
India has also undergone alterations which would have 
saved Lord Ellenborough from this and similar exhibitions 
of impetuous temper. The reversal of our policy towards a 
Native State could not now be the act of the Governor- 
General alone, but must be the outcome of the joint 
deliberations of the Viceroy and his Council. 

But while changes in the constitution of the Government 
of India give a somewhat academic character to criticism 
of the course adopted by Hodgson, it is right to under- 
stand the view which then prevailed. The British Agents 
at Native Courts were frequently compelled by their 
remoteness to act independently of the central Govern- 
ment, and sometimes to disregard instructions which they 
knew to be based on insufficient information. Sir John 
Malcolm, perhaps the greatest of all the great Indian 
" Politicals," clearly stated the duties and responsibilities 
of such a position. At a critical juncture in his own career 
he declared that the considerations which must regulate 
his conduct were different from those which should guide 
an officer at headquarters. 

" Your station and mine," he wrote to Political Secretary 
Edmonstone, "are widely different. As an officer of 
Government acting immediately under the Governor- 
General you have, in fact, only to obey orders, and are 
never left to the exercise of your discretion and judgment, 
as you have a ready reference in all cases that can occur 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843, 21$ 

to the superior authority, with whom, of course, every 
responsibility rests. Under such circumstances, a secretary 
that chooses to be of a different opinion that is to say, 
to maintain different opinions from a Governor-General, 
has, in my opinion, no option but to resign ; and his non- 
resignation l would, on such occasion, appear extraordinary 
to every person acquainted with the nature of his office, 
which is obviously one of an executive, not of a delibera- 
tive nature. 

" Now look at my situation. Placed at a great distance 
from the Governor-General, and acting upon instructions 
of i general nature obliged constantly to determine points 
upon my own judgment, as there is no time for reference 
liable to be called upon by extraordinary exigencies to act 
in a most decided manner to saye the public interests from 
injury, it is indispensable that the sentiments of my mind 
should be in some unison with the dictates of my duty ; 
and if they unfortunately are contrary to it I am not fit 
to be employed, for I have seen enough of these scenes 
to be satisfied that a mere principle of obedience will never 
carry a man through a charge where such large discretionary 
powers must be given, with cither honour to himself or 
advantage to the public." 2 

This was the view of the highest class of Indian Poli- 
ticals in Hodgson's time, and his early training had been 
under a man who held that view very strongly. His first 
master George Traill, the " King of Kumaun," 3 inculcated 
it both by precept and example. It is a view which, as 
I have shown, has ceased to be applicable to the modern 
conditions of Indian government, and which need not be 
discussed here. Lord Ellenborough thought he had to 
deal with a Political Resident who, in Malcolm's emphatic 

' The word in the original is "resignation," probably an error in 
copying. The word maintain is in italics in the original. 

* Lives of Indian Officers^ by Sir John William Kaye, Vol. I., pp. 164-5. 
London, 1867. 

3 Vide ante, p. 38. 


words, seemed disposed "to maintain different opinions" 
from himself, and he dealt with him in a fit of temper. 1 

Forty years afterwards, Hodgson with the calm of old 
age recorded his view of the transaction. The new 
Governor-General, he wrote, although away from his 
Council and in opposition to his Foreign Secretary, who 
was the only responsible officer with him, summarily con- 
demned " the tried and successful policy of his predecessor," 
and ordered a dangerous communication to be made to the 
Raja of Nepal. " It seemed to me impossible to follow 
such a course, and, as his Lordship declared that his object 
was peace, I ventured to disobey orders which I thought 
would certainly imperil it." 2 

The Secretary to the Government in Calcutta, when he 
heard of the matter, wrote privately to Hodgson, con- 
gratulating him on his wise and courageous action. " You 
have taken a judicious course, and I make no doubt that 
Lord Ellenborough (since his first instructions having 
learnt and reflected more of what had passed under his 
predecessor's rule) will approve your proceeding, and com- 
mend the tact and judgment with which you have adapted 
the orders received to the situation of things and parties at 
Kathmandu." 3 

This letter was written three days before Lord Ellen- 
borough's brusque removal of Hodgson from his post on 
June 2 ist, 1842. But its forecast seemed to be promptly 
realised. For Lord Ellenborough himself, after a night's 
reflection, began to have misgivings as to his impetuous 
act, and the same Foreign Secretary who had been ordered 
to write with his own hand the official letter of the 2ist 

1 On June 3rd and June I2th Lord Ellenborough, without con- 
descending IP notice Hodgson's plea for further deliberation, practically 
reiterated the order to deliver a translation of the letter to the Raja 
in extenso. 

* Autobiographical Memoranda written by Mr. Hodgson in 1881. 
Hodgson MSS. 

3 Letter from G. A. Bushby to B. H. Hodgson, dated Calcutta, 
June i8th, 1842. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 1839-1843. 21 J 

superseding Hodgson, wrote on the 22nd, and again with 
his own hand, the following confidential letter to the man 
whom he had yesterday recalled in disgrace : 

" MY DEAR HODGSON, 1 Lord Ellenborough has been 
speaking to-day about you, expressing in the kindest terms 
his sense of your merits, services, and abilities ; saying that 
he hoped an opportunity would occur of employing you 
to your liking in some other field, and suggesting that the 
letter of yesterday being kept a profound secret, you should 
act on the former summons, 2 and consider yourself as only 
waiting for a favourable season to obey it, and to come and 
pay your respects to his Lordship, and explain to him the 
state of affairs in Nepal. 

" I am awaiting a further report from you before dis- 
posing of Kurbeer and his presents. I fancy Smith 3 will 
be dismissed soon. 

" We shall have a pretty strong force ready to move on 
your frontier in the cold season, unless the present clouds 
are in the meantime entirely cleared away. Be of good 
cheer, and believe me, etc., 


Meanwhile, long before cither the letter of dismissal 
of June 2 ist or the soothing epistle of the 22nd could 
reach Nepal, Hodgson had addressed an official despatch 
to the Government which still further modified Lord 
Ellenborough's views. On June 2ist, the very day when 
his recall was being passionately penned at Allahabad, 
Hodgson was calmly pointing out the measures by which 
a change of policy, if insisted on by the new Governor- 
General, could be safely accomplished. By this time 
Hodgson saw that what Lord Ellenborough really wanj 

1 Letter from T. H. Maddock, Esq., to B. H. Hodgson, 

habad, June 22nd, 1842. Hodgson Papers. 
3 I.e. the summons to come in person to the Governor 
3 Lieutenant Smith, the Assistant Resident, whom 

deputed to the Governor-General's camp as his su 


was to put an end to the active support which Lord Auck- 
land had given to the peace party in Nepal, and to the 
Ministers (appointed with Lord Auckland's direct approval 
at the beginning of the year) who were pledged to a peace 
programme. Hodgson felt it his duty once more to set 
forth the disadvantages of such a change a change which 
must throw Nepal into the hands of the war faction and 
bring a war Ministry into power. At the same time he 
showed that if time were allowed, and if arrangements 
were made for giving shelter to the peace Ministers within 
our provinces, the change could be effected without any 
immediate rupture. His letter, with its somewhat feeble 
parentheses and modifying clauses, is written in a very 
different tone from his plain-spoken despatches to the 
previous Governor-General of whose confidence and 
support he felt sure. 

If the change of policy were determined on, he wrote 
on June 21st, 1 "it is difficult to contemplate the character 
of the present ruler of Nepal and his son, and entertain 
a hope that satisfactory relations with Nepal will be 
maintainable in their time upon the present footing ; for> 
if relieved from their present councillors, they will speedily 
fall back into the arms of the Kala Pandis whose views 
and sentiments, as already explained, cannot, it will be 
seen, well admit of change, pledged as they are to the 
ancient polity of the kingdom, a policy more grievous to 
us than any ordinary war, and necessarily, too, leading 
to one. 

" We should therefore, I apprehend, be still prepared for 
the worst by upholding our friends here, who, besides, in 
quieter times abroad might possibly successfully inoculate 
their sovereign or his son with their own just opinions as 
to the ruinous unsuitablencss to the new position of Nepal, 
since the war, of her ancient and cherished maxims of polity. 

1 Despatch from Resident in Nepal to the Secretary to Government 
of India with the Governor-General, dated June 22nd, 1842, paras. 23 
to 27. -Hodgson Papers. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 1839 i84 3 . 2 1 9. 

"At all events, it is most desirable that the change 
from our existing policy towards Nepal to another should, 
if possible, be quiet and gradual, and be deferred until 
our affairs are adjusted with Afghanistan and China, but 
especially the latter, where, if we be finally and effectively 
victorious, I should not wholly despair of seeing the 
Maharaja [of Nepal] eventually subside into a preference 
for the maxims of the new school and contentedly acquiesce 
in the future guidance (for guided he must be) of his 
present councillors. 

" Otherwise those councillors should be allowed, on their 
resignation, an asylum if need be in our provinces ; but, 
short of this, their resignation, if voluntary and not too 
long deferred, may probably suffice for their protection 
here. And, indeed, if it be ihe Governor-General's decided 
determination that their peculiar connection with me do 
forthwith cease, I think I could so communicate that 
intelligence to them as to lead to their safe resignation, 
retaining at the same time their goodwill and voluntary 
unofficial good offices. . . . 

"In the foregone despatch I trust I have satisfied the 
Right Honourable the Governor-General that there has 
been nothing whatever in my recent proceedings more 
than the natural, and necessary, and consistent sequel of 
what had gone before, under the direct repeated sanction 
and instructions of the Governor-General in Council, to 
whom every step of my proceedings was submitted at the 
moment it was made, and from whose wisdom, therefore, 
I might have expected the correction of any unintentional 

The receipt of this despatch appears to have made Lord 
Ellenborough reflect On July 6th he wrote a friendly 
private letter to Hodgson, speaking of the change of policy 
in the hypothetical mood, but sensibly enough remarking 
that " if a change of system should be adopted in treating 
with the Nepal Government," it had better be carried out 
by new men, "No testimony is, I assure you, required 


to satisfy me that you arc a most zealous and a very able 
servant of the Government ; but I am certainly of opinion 
that, if a change of system should be adopted in treating 
with the Nepal Government, you are so mixed up with 
a party there that you would be unable to act efficiently 
in carrying out such new system. It would succeed better 
in other, even if much less able, hands." l 

After further consideration Lord Ellenborough decided, 
however, that Hodgson's intimate knowledge of Nepal, 
and his hold on the affections of the people, made him 
the safest man for carrying out "the change." On 
July 26th he wrote an appreciative letter in his own hand 
to Hodgson, and a fortnight later he followed it up by a 
public despatch in which he expressly left it to Hodgson 
to take such measures as he (Hodgson) thought best to 
introduce the new policy. 

The private letter of July 26th runs thus : " I have 
much reliance upon your ability and upon the extensive 
knowledge you possess of the Maharaja and his people ; 
and I can have no doubt that you will, to the utmost, exert 
your ability and use your knowledge for the purpose of 
maintaining the existing relations of amity between the 
British Government and Nepal." - 

The public despatch of August 8th maintains in temper- 
ate terms Lord Ellenborough's instructions for a change 
of policy, but leaves Hodgson to dissolve what seemed to 
his Excellency to be a too close connection of the British 
Government with the Nepal Ministry at his (Hodgson's) 
own time and in his own way. 

" SIR, 3 The Governor-General has again had under his 

1 Lord Ellenborough to B. H. Hodgson, dated Allahabad, July 6th, 
1842. Hodgson Papers. 

8 Lord Ellenborough to B. H. Hodgson, dated Allahabad, July 26th, 
1842. Hodgson Papers. 

3 Letter from the Secretary to the Government of India with the 
Governor-General to the Resident in Nepal (Secret Department, 
No. 66 1), dated Allahabad, August 8th, 1842. Hodgson Papers. 

ix. I LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 221 

consideration your letter of June 22nd, and your several 
other letters respecting the existing connection between 
you as the British Minister at the Court of Nepal and the 
Ministers of that State. 

" 2. His Lordship cannot doubt that, however temporary 
circumstances may have seemed to render expedient that 
connection, it is fraught with future evil, and should at the 
earliest practicable period be suffered to expire. 

" 3. You have been already made acquainted with the 
Governor-General's sentiments upon the subject. 

"4. The Governor-General leaves it to your discretion 
to decide in what manner your conduct should be regulated 
so as gradually to withdraw the British Government from 
a false position \vithout injury to the persons who may 
rely upon its support, a support really inefficacious for their 
protection, although its open and abrupt withdrawal might 
possibly involve them in new and serious danger. 

"5. It is obviously impossible to give from hence precise 
and absolute directions as to the conduct which should be 
pursued with respect to a Sovereign who has more of 
insanity than of reason, and an Heir-apparent who is alto- 
gether insane. You must be guided by your own judg- 
ment, assisted by your long and intimate knowledge of 
the people of Nepal, in gradually bringing back the policy 
of your mission to the only safe and legitimate course, or 
that of abstaining from interference in the internal affairs 
of the State to which you are deputed, and relying for the 
due protection of British interests upon the knowledge 
entertained of British power. 1 have the honour to be, 
etc., etc. (Signed) T. H. MADDOCK, Secretary to Govern- 
ment of India." 

Hodgson had got all he could reasonably hope for. His 
resistance to the new Governor-General's haste after a 
change of policy in Nepal ended in Lord Ellenborough 
leaving it to Hodgson himself to gradually and safely 
effect the change at the time and in the manner which 
Hodgson thought best. We shall presently sec that 


Hodgson skilfully carried out the uncongenial task thus 
entrusted to him. But meanwhile the governors of the 
British provinces in Northern India and the Supreme 
Council in Calcutta had not looked on unmoved at the 
spectacle of an experienced and a valued Representative 
at a Native Court being recalled in a moment of heat by 
the new Governor-General. Lord Ellenborough inflicted 
this disgrace on the man to whom his predecessor had, 
almost with his last words, expressed his deep obligation 
for the security of the Northern Indian frontier and the 
main line of communication during the disasters of the 
Afghan war. To Lord Auckland, the dexterous manage- 
ment of Nepal by Hodgson seemed the bright spot in the 
political horizon. Lord Ellenborough, as one of his first 
acts after he got beyond the reach of his Council, recalled 
Hodgson without the knowledge of his Council, and he 
attempted to conceal his action from his Council. He 
abstained from sending a copy of Hodgson's recall to the 
Supreme Government in Calcutta. 1 A private letter from 
the Foreign Secretary announcing the intended conceal- 
ment is docketed in Hodgson's handwriting as follows : 
" I answered, July loth, that I cared not whether Lord 
Ellenborough cancelled his despatch of June 2ist (ejecting 
me) or not ; but expected if that despatch were recorded, 
my answer to it should be so likewise." A diligent search 
in the India Office Records proves that that despatch, 
recalling Hodgson, was never brought upon the Consulta- 
tions of the Government of India, nor reached the Court 
of Directors at home. 

If such a proceeding attracted the grave disapproval of 
Lord Ellcnborough's colleagues in Council, it excited the 
indignation of the governors of the British provinces and 
of the British representatives at Native Courts. For not 
one of them could be sure that his turn might not come 
next. Had Lord Ellenborough officially withdrawn his 

1 Letter from the Honourable Thoby Prinsep, then a Member of the 
Governor-General's Council, to B. H. Hodgson, dated July i8th, 1842. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 223 

public despatch of June 2ist recalling Hodgson, he would 
have earned the praise of magnanimity for retrieving a 
hasty error when placed in possession of the complete 
facts. Had he communicated that despatch to his col- 
leagues in Council, it would have given them the oppor- 
tunity of discussing the whole question of Ncpalcsc policy 
with the new Governor-General. But instead of officially 
recalling his public despatch or of giving his colleagues the 
possibility of expressing their sentiments upon it, he dis- 
armed Hodgson's fears by a series of private letters asking 
him to keep the public despatch " a profound secret," and 
assuring Hodgson of his Excellency's high opinion as to his 
ability and capacity for dealing with the situation in Nepal. 

Hodgson was in fact neither officially recalled nor was 
his resistance officially con lojicd. Among many letters 
of sympathy which he received, one of the most sensible 
came from the sober-minded administrator who then 
governed Northern India, and who had had the nearest 
opportunities of watching Hodgson's work. To this saga- 
cious and responsible ruler of the British provinces adjoin- 
ing Nepal, it seemed impossible that Lord Ellenborough 
had not clearly realised his mistake, and he advises 
Hodgson to treat the whole matter as a piece of petulance 
on the part of a new and an inexperienced Governor- 

"Believe me," the Lieutenant- Governor of the North- 
Western Provinces wrote to Hodgson on July 22nd, 1842, 
"that you attach more weight and importance to the 
pettish effusion that has caused you so much uneasiness 
than it deserves. One of the most unpleasant reflections 
to those who, like myself, really long to see the Governor- 
General commence his administration well, is that he has 
contrived at starting to make men careless of his praise 
and heedless of his censure. Haud inexpertus loquor, for 
I too have come in for my share of his rebuffs ; and if 
I were much in love with dignity, I should feel very much 
out of humour. As it is, though the absurdity irritates 


me for a moment, it always amuses ; and I find myself 
often constrained to laugh, even when persuaded that I 
ought to be angry. I am satisfied that he now sees that 
he was on the verge of falling into the tremendous blunder 
of provoking a war with Nepal, and will be glad enough to 
find that nothing more is said of the despatch intimating his 
displeasure at your course of policy, although his stubborn 
pride will not admit of his acknowledging any mistake. 
His prepossessions against our service are intense, and lead 
him into much that is unfair and foolish. 11 1 

This mild if contemptuous view of Lord Ellenborough's 
conduct was not generally adopted. It seemed to many 
that Lord Ellenborough had committed himself to the 
same devices against a high Political Officer as he had 
practised upon his military chiefs. 2 In regard to those 
devices I shall only quote the words of the politest of 
Indian historians in summing up Lord Ellenborough's too 
subtle instructions to the Commander of the army then 
struggling to retrieve the British honour in Afghanistan. 
" It is not to be believed that the Governor-General pur- 
posely framed his orders so as to screen himself in any 
case from blame, while he might secure some share of the 
praise due to successful enterprise, if enterprise should be 
determined on. This is not even to be imagined ; but if 
the existence of such an intention could be credited, he 
might have been expected to issue instructions precisely 
like those which were actually transmitted by him to 
General Nott." 3 

1 Letter from the Honourable J. C. Robertson, Lieutenant-Governor 
of the North- Western Provinces, to B. H. Hodgson, dated July 22nd r 
1842. Hodgson Papers. 

* Even Sir Jasper Nicolls, the sagacious Commander-in-Chief whose 
advice, if followed, would have averted the Kabul disaster, was deprived 
" of the power of influencing affairs." See Colonel W. W. Knollys* 
admirable memoir of Sir Jasper Nicolls, based on MS. and other 
contemporary sources, in the Dictionary of National Biography^ 
Vol. XLI. 

3 History oftlie BritishEmpirc in India, by Edward Thornton, Esq., 
Vol. VI., p. 366(1845). 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 22$ 

Meanwhile Lord Ellenborough was quite willing to take 
any credit to himself for Hodgson's judicious treatment of 
the Nepalese imbroglio, although that treatment was based 
on the policy of the preceding Governor-General. On 
July 6th, 1842, the very day on which Lord Ellenborough 
in his letter to Hodgson had relegated his hastily ordered 
change of policy in Nepal to the hypothetical mood (" if a 
change of system should be adopted ")/ his Excellency 
also wrote with his own hand to the Queen : " The Raja 
of Nepal has made an ample apology for his disrespectful 
conduct towards the British Resident at Kathmandu, and 
there is every present appearance of continued peace with 
that State." 2 In Lord Ellcnborough's privately expressed 
opinion, therefore, Hodgson had successfully dealt with the 
situation upon the lines laid down by Lord Auckland ; and 
he had so dealt with it a month before Lord Ellenborough 
finally determined, by his despatch of August 8th, 3 to 
abolish Lord Auckland's policy and to introduce a new 
policy of his own. 

To the high officials around Lord Ellenborough it 
seemed, indeed, that his Excellency had sufficiently re- 
tracted his impetuous despatch to Hodgson of June 2ist. 
" I would take the overtures now made by Lord Ellen- 
borough," wrote a Member of his Council * to Hodgson 
on July loth, 1842, " as earnest of a desire to make amends 
for past brusqueries, and perhaps as evidence of a growing 
opinion in favour of the particular course followed by you 
which has been so successful." From the Foreign Secretary 
in attendance on Lord Ellenborough and the Lieutenant- 
Governor of the North- West letters followed in a similar 
strain. 5 " Your conduct is vindicated in the amplest manner/' 

1 Vide ante, p. 219. 

* History of the Indian Administration of Lord Ellenborough^ by 
Lord Colchester, p. 37. Ed. 1874. 

3 Vide ante, pp. 220, 221. 

4 The Honourable Thoby Prinsep. 

6 Letters from T. H. Maddock, dated July nth, 1842, and from the 
Honourable J. C. Robertson, dated July i6th, 1842. Hodgson MSS. 


wrote Mr. Secretary Bushby on August 23rd, " and I con- 
gratulate you on this issue." Every one who knew of the 
matter now advised Hodgson to let it drop. 

Bright times appeared to be before him. For as the 
army of retribution went on with its work in Afghanistan, 
Hodgson's difficulties in Nepal disappeared. Those diffi- 
culties had mainly arisen from the fact that the Ncpalese 
Court well knew, during the past three years, that our 
whole available forces were occupied beyond the north- 
western frontier. The crowning successes of the British 
arms at Ghazni and Kabul in the summer and early autumn 
of 1842 set free our victorious troops for any complication 
in Nepal. The Nepalese war party had, moreover, been 
discredited by the failure of their predictions of the down- 
fall of the British power in China and Afghanistan. 
Hodgson, therefore, found it possible to disengage himself 
from the peace Ministry in Nepal without the risk of the 
war party usurping the control of the King. He made the 
Maharaja understand that henceforth his Highness must 
manage his own affairs without the active support of the 
British Resident accorded under Lord Auckland's policy. 
That support had been absolutely necessary to prevent 
the war party in Nepal forcing a war upon the East 
India Company while its armies were locked up in 
Afghanistan. The reason for the exceptional support by 
the British Resident to the Maharaja and to the peace 
Ministry in Nepal having ceased, that exceptional support 
was, during the autumn of 1842, quietly withdrawn. 

Hodgson succeeded in giving a simple and natural 
appearance to the change ; yet the Maharaja felt that 
it imperilled not only the peace Ministry but also his 
personal safety. Conscious of his inability to control the 
insane turbulence of his son, he desired to evade the 
responsibility for it by an informal abdication of the throne. 
He wished in fact to retain the pomp of majesty without 
its risks and cares. The Chiefs came to Hodgson as usual 
for advice ; so also did the Maharaja ; but Hodgson would 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 227 

only exercise his influence so far as to persuade both 
parties to a peaceable settlement among themselves. The 
King, finding it impossible to lean any further upon the 
strong arm of the Resident, and finding it equally imposs- 
ible to do without the support of a firmer nature than 
his own, placed himself unreservedly in the hands of his 
wife, formerly known as the Junior Queen, but who, since 
the death of the Senior Rani in 1841, had become sole 
Queen. 1 

Meanwhile the Heir-apparent, emboldened by Hodgson's 
withdrawal from the sphere of influence, launched out 
on his atrocities with a free hand. The King showed 
himself powerless to control his son ; and his subjects, in 
December 1 842, began to hold tumultuous assemblies and 
took the matter into their own hands. " The people 
complained," says the official record of this revolution, 
" that they could not obey two masters, adducing numerous 
instances in which the Raja had allowed them to be 
punished by his son for obedience to his own com- 
mands, whilst for all the murders, maimings, beatings, and 
insults perpetrated by the Heir-apparent, the Maharaja 
had evaded authorising prevention, or making atonement 
in a single instance. At one of these meetings, when 
about eight thousand persons were present, a committee 
was named to draw up a petition for presentation to the 
Maharaja for the due protection of the legitimate rights, 
public and personal, of all his subjects. This petition 
being approved of by the country was sanctioned and 
ratified by the Maharaja on December 7th, amidst the 
loud applause of the assembled multitude." * 

Hodgson's counsels contributed in no small measure to 
the peaceful result of this revolution. Within six months 
he had carried out Lord Ellenborough's policy of with- 

1 For the sake of clearness I shall continue to speak of her as the 
Junior Queen. 

9 Official Narrative of Events in Nepal, sub anno 1842, by Assistant 
Resident Lieutenant Nicholetts, para. 32. India Office Records. 


drawal, and he had carried it out in such a way as to 
avoid danger either to the Maharaja or to the peace 
Ministers who trusted to his support. As a matter of 
fact the change left the Maharaja in a stronger position 
than his Highness had held since the death of the old 
Prime Minister, Bhim Sen, in 1839, for it left him in 
the first flush of a good understanding between himself 
and his people, with the peace Ministry re-established in 
power, and with the strong arm of the Junior Queen to 
lean on. 

Had Hodgson thought of his personal interests he 
would now have quitted the scene. He had long ago 
fixed 1841, or at the latest 1842, as the date of his retire- 
ment from Kathmandu. But the incessant labours and 
anxieties of the past three years, since the British armies 
entered Afghanistan, rendered it impossible for him to 
complete the private researches on which he was engaged 
for his great treatise on Nepal. He therefore desired to 
remain for one year more, now that the quiet of the times 
allowed him to resume the studies on which the fruition 
of his life's work depended. Lord Ellenborough seemed 
so satisfied with Hodgson's diplomatic successes that 
Hodgson could, without loss of self-respect, express his 
wish. He did so, and received in good faith the Govcrnor- 
General's consent, unmindful of a warning 'conveyed by one 
of Lord Ellenborough's own colleagues in Council. " Lord 
Ellenborough," Mr. Thoby Prinsep wrote to Hodgson, 
"cannot but approve what you have done. But he will 
do so dryly, because he will like you none the better." 

The Junior Queen no sooner felt herself in authority 
than she resolved to make her authority absolute. The 
year 1843 opened with the announcement to the Resident 
that she had been invested with political powers. Forth- 
with she began to intrigue for the supersession of the 
two surviving sons of the deceased Senior Queen in 
favour of her own children. How to get rid of these two 
lives between her eldest son and the throne became the 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 22$ 

one object of her life. The bloody intrigues which fill 
the Nepalese annals during the next four years reached 
their acute stage after Hodgson left in 1843, and they 
form no part of this biography. Hodgson's successor 
had to stand by and see the tragical drama drag itself to 
its close. I pause for a moment to summarise the chief 
events from 1843 to 1847. 

The Queen found that the peace Ministry, consisting of 
the royal collaterals and Brahmans the spiritual advisers 
of the kingdom -were no tools for the work she had in 
hand. For they represented the legitimist party in Nepal, 
and notwithstanding the Senior Queen's hatred of them to 
the day of her death, they could not be seduced into 
setting aside the rights of her sons. The Junior Queen 
accordingly brought back te power Matabar Singh, nephew 
of the late Prime Minister Bhim Sen. That free-lance had 
for some time settled down to comfortable exile at Simla, 
on an allowance of Rs. 1,000 a month from the British 
Government. The Queen took advantage of his somewhat 
hesitating return, in 1843, to slaughter the Pandi leaders 
who, four years previously, had supported the Senior 
Queen in procuring the ruin of Bhim Sen and his house. 

The official records for 1844 are a dreary narrative of 
commotions and decapitations. 1 Those for 1845 open 
with the murder of Matabar Singh, recently appointed 
Prime Minister for life amid the treacherous cajoleries of 
the King who afterwards claimed credit for firing the first 
shot point-blank into his body. The wounded Minister 
fell at his master's feet "and begged for mercy for his 
mother and children. But as he spoke some one struck 
him from behind, and as his hands were stretched out in 
supplication one of the attendants cut him with a sword 
across the wrists." 2 Next year, 1846, produced a still 
bloodier list of assassinations and massacres, planned by 
the Queen and the menial of the palace whom she had 

1 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Confidential Summary, paras. 43 to 
48. India Office Records. 3 Idem., sub anno 1845, ?*** 5- 


raised to favour. 1 The poor Raja quitted his kingdom 
under the decent pretext of expiating these murders by 
a joint pilgrimage with the Queen to Benares, leaving the 
Heir-apparent to govern as best he could. 2 The end 
came in 1847. The Heir-apparent seized the throne. 
The Queen was banished, and eventually died in exile. 
The Raja was deposed, and for a time shut up. He spent 
his remaining years as a State prisoner, while Jang 
Bahadur (the nephew of Matabar murdered in 1845, and 
grand-nephew of the great Minister Bhim Sen done to 
death in 1839) established himself as Prime Minister and 
Mayor of the Palace for life. 

Such were the results of Lord Ellenborough's policy 
in Nepal. They bore bitter fruits for years after Lord 
Ellenborough had himself been recalled. In almost his 
last letter to the Resident whom he appointed in super- 
session of Hodgson, Lord Ellenborough still insisted upon 
that policy, and ordered the new Resident to gloss over 
the fact of his (Lord Ellenborough's) own recall : " My 
successor will do all I should have done. You may tell the 
Court that he has been selected, among other reasons, be- 
cause he is my brother-in-law arid most confidential friend." 3 

Hodgson had, happily for his own peace of mind, left 
long before the last acts of the tragedy. I therefore 
confine myself to quoting the parting words of the Heir- 
apparent to the King his father, when deposing him from 
the throne. " Your Highness, uniting with the Kala 
Pandis, caused General Bhim Sen Thappa to be murdered ; 
then joining the party of the Thappas, you had the Pandis 
put to death. Afterwards, in conjunction with the Rani, 
you caused the death of Matabar Singh ; again, contrary 
to all precedent in your dynasty of fourteen generations, 
you gave absolute power to the Maharani, and so caused 

1 Assistant Resident Nicholetts' Confidential Summary, sub anno 
1846, paras. 61 to 70. * Idem., paras. 68, 69, 73, 74. 

3 Lord Ellenborough to Major Lawrence, dated Calcutta, June I7th, 
1844. Merivale's Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, Vol. II., p. 5. Ed. 1872. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 231 

the massacre at the Kot ; and now, lastly, you are sending 
orders for the murder of the present Minister, for no 
offence whatever." 1 

Exactly four years before this remarkable piece of filial 
frankness, Lord Ellenborough dismissed Hodgson from 
the post of Resident. His Excellency was quite willing 
to take credit for the skilful treatment of Nepal, in the 
second half of 1842 and first months of 1843, by the man 
whom he had recalled by a public despatch and then 
privately made friends with by demi-official letters. But 
Lord Ellenborough, finding that no one felt disposed to 
give the Governor-General any credit for the success, began 
to nourish feelings towards Hodgson of which more than 
one warning war. conveyed by friendly hands. In March 
1843 Secretary Maddock found himself set free from the 
distasteful duty of acting as the mouthpiece of Lord Ellen- 
borough's duplicities, by his appointment to the Supreme 
Council. Next month, with reference to Hodgson's growing 
uneasiness as to the value of Lord Ellenborough's private 
amende for the public letter of recall, Maddock wrote to 
him as follows : 

" I cannot pretend to account for the actions or policy 
of my late master, Lord Ellenborough. His course is too 
self-willed and eccentric to be guided, or explained, or 
reasoned with. His own way he will have as long as he 
rules over this country, and no other human being will be 
responsible for the acts of his government, for he will allow 
no one to share the responsibility in any degree with him. 
Political Officers are the objects of his special aversion, 
and they can only do as they arc bid, and that is the only 
way in which they can avoid his displeasure. However, 
I cannot bring myself to believe that his reign over us will 
be of much longer duration, for all the Ministers, except 
the Duke of Wellington, are said to be perfectly disgusted 
with his arrogance and alarmed at his insanity." 2 

1 Olclfield's Nepal, Vol. I., pp. 375* 37& Ed- 1880. 

9 T. H. Maddock to B. H. Hodgson, dated Calcutta, April 4th, 1843. 


Three months later Lord Ellenborough dispelled every 
doubt as to the value to be attached to his private amende 
for the public letter of recall. Hodgson determined to bring 
the matter to the touch by asking the Governor-General 
if he might remain in Nepal during the following cold 
weather to finish certain researches, on the completion 
of which he proposed to retire from the service. Lord 
Ellenborough not only refused, but he based his refusal on 
the public letter of recall. That letter, it will be remem- 
bered, bore date June 2ist, 1842.' It was practically with- 
drawn by a confidential communication from the Secretary 
to Government in attendance on the Governor-General the 
very next day, and Hodgson was counselled to keep it " a 
profound secret." 2 Nor had the Governor-General ever 
ventured to place the letter before his own Council. Yet Lord 
Ellenborough, with one of those strange lapses of memory 
vtrhich characterised his dealings with his subordinates, 
could now write as if the suppression of the public letter 
had been made against his own judgment, and apparently 
at the persuasion of Hodgson of Hodgson who knew not 
of its existence until eight or ten days after its confidential 
retractation on the 22nd by the same Secretary who wrote 
the official letter of the 2ist. 

On June 2nd, 1843, Lord Ellenborough delivered the 
final blow. " Sir," he wrote to Hodgson, " I received your 
letter of the 22nd ult, intimating your wish to remain still 
longer at Kathmandu. 

* I have already twice, against my own better judgment, 
acquiesced in your remaining there : first, when I consented 
that the public letter of animadversion upon your conduct 
should not be placed upon the public records, it being then 
distinctly understood by me that you would retire during 
the last cold weather ; secondly, when I was further induced 
to consent to your remaining till the ensuing cold weather. 

" I do not think it desirable that you should remain 
beyond that period, and I shall then appoint your successor. 
1 Vide ante, pp. 211, 212. * Vide ante, p. 217. 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 18391843. 233 

If you desire to remain on service in India, I will endeavour 
to find some other fit situation for you ; but you ought to 
leave Nepal. I remain, Sir, your faithful servant, 


Within six weeks after Lord Ellenborough thus addressed 
a tried public servant, whom he had repeatedly assured of 
his confidence and esteem, it became publicly known that 
Lord Ellcnborough was himself recalled by the Court of 
Directors. 2 His Excellency's successor did not, however, 
assume charge till 1844. Meanwhile during the autumn 
of 1843 Lord Ellenborough suddenly gazetted Major 
Henry Lawrence (Sir Henry) as Resident in Nepal, and 
appointed Hodgson to the petty post of " Assistant Sub- 
Commissioner at Simla." 3 Hodgson resented the insult, 
and in spite of the sympathising remonstrances of his 
friends, he resigned the service. His successor [Sir] Henry 
Lawrence liked the business as little as Hodgson did, and 
told a high officer of Lord Ellenborough's Government 
" that he would rather have been appointed here (i.e. ' Sub- 
Commissioner of Simla parish ') than Resident in Nepal." 4 
Some of Hodgson's best friends thought that he had acted 
as befitted his honour. " I am glad," wrote Sir George 
Clerk in the letter just quoted, " to see a civilian leave the 
country : 1 used for the people's sake to regret it. For I 
feel that he, his untiring zeal and his honest application, 
are no longer known or appreciated." 

This was the opinion of one of the ablest Indian adminis- 
trators of the nineteenth century, who shortly afterwards 
rose to the Governor-General's Council and the Lieutenant- 
Governorship of the North- West, rendered great services as 

1 Letter from Lord Ellenborough to B. H. Hodgson, Esq., dated 
June 2nd, 1843. Hodgson Private Papers. 

a The date is given as July ijth, 1844. Thornton's History of India, 
Vol. VI, p. 547 (1845). 

3 India Office MS. Records. 

4 Sir George Russell Clerk to B. H. Hodgson, dated Simla, October 
8th, 1843. Hodgson Private Papers. 


Governor of Bombay twice over, and completed a brilliant 
career as a Member of the Council of the Secretary of State, 
a K.C.B. and G.C.S.I. Sir George Clerk remained on the 
closest terms of affection with Hodgson to the end of their 
long lives. His words express the sense of discouragement 
which Lord Ellenborough's conduct produced among those 
who saw that conduct nearest at hand. 

Hodgson's leave-taking with the prince and people 
among whom he had so long represented the British 
power, and whose esteem and affection he had won to a 
degree which they have accorded to no other Englishman, 
was pathetic. The Raja wrote to Lord Ellenborough, 
begging his Excellency not to deprive him of the adviser 
to whom he had all his life looked for support against the 
war party in Nepal. Hodgson very properly declined to 
transmit the letter. On its being secretly smuggled into 
British territory, disguised as a parcel of merchandise, 
Lord Ellenborough, with less propriety, declined to take 
notice of it. 

At Hodgson's final audience with the Darbar the Raja 
burst into tears, and, referring to the exertions by which 
Hodgson had so often averted a war, called him "the 
Saviour of Nepal." " Then taking a jewel from his turban, 
he turned to Major Lawrence [who had just received over 
charge] and said, ' I know that it is your custom for 
Residents not to accept presents, but I owe so much to 
Mr. Hodgson's prudence and patience under many and 
great provocations, that I beg you will make my earnest 
request to the Governor-General to the effect that he 
may be permitted to accept this hereditary jewel of mine 
to become an heirloom in his own family. 1 " This request 
could not of course be complied with. But no official 
repression could prevent the affectionate farewells of the 
chiefs and people which made Hodgson's march to the 
frontier one long triumphal progress. 

Hodgson's arrival in Calcutta was the signal for demon- 
strations of respect scarcely less enthusiastic, and still more 

ix.] LAST FOUR YEARS IN NEPAL: 1839-1843. 235 

inconvenient, considering his relations towards the Governor- 
General. One of the Members of Council urged him " to 
withdraw his resignation, and we will with one voice 
demand from Lord Ellenborough for you the Residency 
at Indore as a just reward for your services." Hodgson 
with difficulty prevented the Council from taking action, 
by pleading that his resignation was an accomplished 
fact and his "\vant of health for serving on the plains." 1 
In response to all such expressions of sympathy, both 
public and private, he let it be known that they were 
to him sources of embarrassment rather than of pleasure. 

He could not, however, escape a great meeting which 
the Asiatic Society held in hLs honour. And with the 
words of the Honourable the President on that occasion, 
when bidding Hodgson farewell and conveying to him the 
request of the Society " to sit to some first-rate artist for 
his bust to be placed in" its Hall, I close this official 
section of this Life." 

" Mr. Hodgson sails to-morrow, and 1 am sure that 
there is not a member here present who would not have 
regretted the loss of the only opportunity we shall ever 
have of seeing him in this place, and of testifying, as far 
as we arc able, how highly we arc sensible of the credit 
which his labours and researches have reflected on the 
Society. I am aware that in alluding to them I am 
causing to the distinguished individual of whom I am 
speaking more pain than pleasure, but I hope he will 
forgive me, for I feel that you would all consider me as 
ill discharging the duties of the situation in which I have 
the honour to be placed, were I to allow such an occasion 
as this to pass without referring to those labours and those 
researches in terms of suitable acknowledgment. 

" I confess, however, that I am quite unable to speak of 

1 Hodgson Private Papers. 

8 Presidential Address to the Asiatic Society of Bengal at a "special " 
meeting in honour of B. H. Hodgson, Esq., held at Calcutta on Tuesday, 
February 6th, 1844. Proceedings of the Society -, No. 62, N.S. 


them as they ought to be spoken of. But of their variety 
and extent you may yourselves be able to form some 
judgment when you hear that Mr. Hodgson's contributions 
to the Transactions and Journal of this Society alone 
amount to eighty-nine distinct papers. . . . 

" I will only further observe that the high reputation 
which Mr. Hodgson has conferred on the Society is not 
merely a local and an Indian one. His name, widely 
spread with his discoveries among the Scientific Societies 
of Europe, has carried with it corresponding credit to our 
body, as a member of which he has laboured." 

So, amid the public sympathy of his brethren of the 
Service, the praises of his fellow-workers in the fields of 
private research, and the hearty good wishes of many 
friends, Hodgson retired from the Indian Service at the 
age of forty-three. 




HODGSON'S reception by the Court of Directors at 
home was equally cordial. On his arrival in the 
spring of 1844, he waited, as in duty bound, on the 
Chairman. The India House was at that moment seething 
with indignation against Lo'-dJEllenborough ; and Hodgson, 
who had no wish to be made a hero of, found himself upon 
the top of the wave. " Why, we will carry you back on 
our shoulders," was the Chairman's greeting to him. " Lord 
Ellenborough has been dismissed." 

Hodgson explained that he had retired from the service, 
and although he was induced to draft a statement of his 
case for the Court of Directors, I find it docketed with the 
words "Not sent." But he had some of the original 
letters privately printed for his family and nearest friends. 
The Court could only show its regard for him by social 
civilities. It asked him to a public dinner given in honour 
of its most distinguished Indian servants shortly after his 
return to London, " and drank his health amid the accla- 
mations of some two hundred gentlemen, including the 
Minister for India." 1 

I have refrained from offering an opinion as to the 
wisdom or unwisdom of Hodgson in resigning the service. 
But there can be no question as to the judiciousness of the 
attitude which he now adopted. Any young gentleman 
in the Secretariat could have found a way out of a 
difficulty with a Governor-General so impetuous as Lord 

1 The President of the Board of Control. Hodgson MSS. 


Ellenborough with his unbalanced mind yet by no means 
ungenerous heart and lived to smile at the little episode 
from the heights of future success. More than one of 
Hodgson's friends urged him to take a year's furlough 
and let Lord Ellenborough run out his brief course. But 
Hodgson had not the adroitness of headquarters. Twenty- 
four years of isolation had made his high-strung and some- 
what haughty nature still more sensitive. When wounded 
by what he regarded as injustice and ingratitude, he could 
not help showing that he felt it. Nor did he under- 
stand the light foil-play of the Secretariat school-of-arms. 
In resigning the service he made a somewhat needlessly 
emphatic protest against a piece of unfairness in high 
places which a defter official would have taken as a by 
no means extraordinary incident in even a prosperous 
career. But a man is what he is by having a nature. 
Hodgson acted in a way consonant with his nature, and 
from a conviction, perhaps the exaggerated conviction of 
a too solitary man, that the protest was due to his own 
honour and to the honourable service to which he belonged. 
It may be doubted, moreover, if a man who could bend to 
a storm would have achieved what the combined sim- 
plicity and firmness of Hodgson accomplished in Nepal. 

But whether he acted wisely or unwisely for himself, 
the world was the clear gainer. There are always a score 
of men in the India Civil Service who make excellent 
Residents at Native Courts. But there was then only one 
man in India who could do the work which Hodgson was 
destined, during the next fifteen years, to accomplish for 
Oriental literature and science. I do not think he at any 
moment seriously regretted that, while still in the prime of 
manhood, he gave up his whole life to the studies which 
bore so rich a fruitage. From time to time, usually at the 
prompting of some enthusiastic or too zealous admirer, he 
felt a little hurt at the non-recognition of his work by 
the English Government, as compared with the honours 
showered upon him by foreign countries. But as, even 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 239 

in the first bitter moments, he got rid of his indignation 
against Lord Ellenborough by writing a statement of his 
case and then locking it up in his desk, so he shrank from 
giving public expression to any sense of neglect during 
his long subsequent life of fifty years. 

Meanwhile he had ample consolations of the kind dearest 
to his heart in his welcome home. Hodgson had the rare 
good fortune to find, at the end of his quarter of a century 
of Indian service, both his parents alive. After a happy 
time with his father and mother in their Canterbury house, 
he paid a visit to his beloved sister Fanny, now the 
Baroness Nahuys. She and her husband who, as I have 
mentioned, became Govcrnoi of one of the Seven Provinces 
of Holland, were living at Arnhcm. In this pleasant 
Rhine town, with its traces Of the ancient Roman sway, 
its fortifications then surviving from mediaeval times, and 
its more recent memories of the siege of 1813, Hodgson 
became a living reality to the sister whom he had left as 
a child of eight. The admiration which she had long given 
him was now warmed into the love for which he craved, 
and settled down into a deep and enthusiastic affection. 

But before the first year of his retirement passed, 
Hodgson began to feel that idleness was for him imposs- 
ible. He could not rest from labour, and he began to 
turn wistful eyes to the land in which alone he could 
complete his life's work. A project for buying the small 
estate of Swiscoe as a home for himself and his parents fell 
through, partly from the insufficiency of his means, and 
partly because of the necessity which he felt to finish his 
Himalayan researches. That constraining necessity told 
on his powers of enjoying his present surroundings, and 
urged him forth once more to the scene of his labours in 
the East. 

In October 1844, even amid the hospitalities of Arnhem, 
he wrote to his father 1 : " This will never do, and I had far 
better return to India than continue thus a source of pain 
1 Letter dated Arnhem, October I7th, 1844. 


to those I love best as well as to myself. Accordingly I 
have nearly decided to return, and the sooner, I think, the 
better. . . . The mere going the round of Scientific Societies 
could never satisfy me. Indeed I look with a sort of 
disgust on that kind of thing." He feels the necessity of 
plunging again into the study of nature at first hand, and 
proposes "to keep up the requisite intercourse with the 
scientific bodies in Europe " by presents of specimens and 
drawings as before. 

Meanwhile he entrusted to his father the task of having 
his zoological collections arranged by a skilled sorter. 
The father set a man to work on the skins and bones, but 
with a heavy heart, and a deep sense of the solitude which 
his son's departure would bring into his life. " My dearest 
Father," Hodgson tries to comfort him a few weeks later, 
"I cannot think of your being alone and in low spirits 
without a fresh pang, sad as my heart is, and the more so 
because its sadness is necessarily communicated to you. 
Now if you say the word, I shall at once hurry to Canter- 
bury. I must rid you of the heap of trash wherewith I 
have burdened the barracks, and if I do no more, that will 
be well done." 1 

The result may be gathered from a letter to Hodgson 
from the Trustees of the British Museum in the following 
month, expressing themselves "deeply obliged for the 
valuable series of skins and drawings which you have 
already presented to the Museum, as well as for the liberal 
offer now made of completing the series. This offer the 
Trustees will thankfully accept, and will instruct the 
proper officer to proceed to Canterbury whenever it may 
be convenient to you for the purpose of making the selec- 
tion for the Museum, and of giving you such aid as he can, 
consistently with his other public duties, in sorting the 
specimens to be distributed to other public institutions." - 

1 Dated Arnhem, November 24th, 1844. 

2 Letter from J. Forshall, Secretary to the Trustees, dated British 
Museum, December 2oth, 1844. 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 241 

Professor Owen also came down to Canterbury to make 
a selection from Hodgson's presentations to the College 
of Surgeons. 

Having thus disposed of his collections, it only remained 
for Hodgson to present his departure in a hopeful light to 
the loved ones whom he must leave behind. " My dearest 
Father," he wrote, inviting his father to join him during a 
few days' absence in London while arranging with the 
Trustees of the British Museum, " Thanks for your affec- 
tionate letter. It is almost worth while being away from 
you in order to get such truly kind letters. God ever bless 
you, and believe me that I would not willingly give you 
pain for the world. It was and is because my invincible 
depression afflicted all your kind hearts that it seemed to 
me necessary to put an end to it. You know I can soon 
be back [from India], and probably shall be so. You 
speak as if my going were not only evil but irremediable : 
not so, my dearest father ; two months will at any time 
bring me back." * 

He had partly won over his sister Fanny to the project, 
and she seems to have helped him in winning his parents 
assent. " Dearest Fan," he wrote to her three days later, a 
11 I am right proud to think I have won the entire esteem 
and love of so good and sensible a person as you are. 
Amid a thousand griefs and disappointments that press 
me to the earth, this idea alone elevates and consoles me. 
God ever bless you, my darling sister, and believe me that 
all your kindly feelings towards me are fully reciprocated 
by me towards you. I bless you and ever shall while I 
live, wherever my lot is cast. 

" I must away to resume and complete my researches 
where alone they can be satisfactorily completed. For 
my hurried departure [from Nepal] amid overpowering 
vexations caused all my papers and other materials to be 
dissipated and dislocated, and I can collect the fragments 

1 Letter dated December i8th, 1844. 
* Dated December 2ist, 1844. 



in India alone. It will cost me but a couple of years. 
Even if I fail I may be quieted by the reflection that 
failure came not till every effort had been made to avert it. 
If I succeed I shall come back comforted and strengthened 
"to encounter the new life of Europe." 

Why multiply these touching mementos of his last days 
at home? I have ventured to reproduce one or two 
of them, as they show the deep and untarnished affection 
of the man of forty-five for the loved ones from whom 
he had been severed during a quarter of a century. In 
1845 the parting came, and I shall only quote his farewell 
words to his sister Fanny, dated " On Board " from Cork 
Harbour : 

" Words cannot tell what I owe you. In my dark hour 
you were my guardian angel, and in subsequent hours 
your sweet words and looks gave me to taste the only 
pleasure I have known for years. Whilst I breathe I 
shall cherish the memory of your tenderness. What a 
sweet and holy thing is true affection ! There is nothing 
else worth living for, and would to God I could dedicate 
the remainder of my life to winning and repaying it in 
a home of my own. Dear, dear Fanny, I owe you much 
for having opened my heart to a full sense of the love- 
liness of the heart's best emotions ; and even if mine 
must now again be locked up as they had been, the very 
memory of their momentary indulgence will cast a sacred 
halo around my future life. I do not think I shall be 
able to exist as heretofore, and if this necessity of being 
beloved should draw me home again, to you my return 
will be owing. ... I sigh to think what a luxury it must be 
to love and be loved. Nothing like the hand of Woman 
for binding up a stricken heart ; and as for me, I never 
hear a tone that is soft and sounds like affection but it 
seems to me a voice from Heaven yes, literally a voice 
from Heaven." 

So Hodgson returned as a private student to India in 
1845. His first idea was to complete his researches in 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 243 

the regions in which they had been begun. But the 
Indian authorities did not see their way to permit him 
to return as a private person to Nepal, where he had so 
long lived in a public capacity. There can be no question 
that the decision was a wise one, and Hodgson, although 
disappointed, soon recognised its wisdom. He fixed his 
abode in a part of the Himalayas which had come under 
British influence, but which closely resembled Nepal in 
regard to its climate, its physical conditions, and animal 
and plant life. 

During the next thirteen years the hill-station of Darji- 
ling was Hodgson's self-appointed home. The fruitful 
labours of those years will occupy the concluding chapters 
of this book. But as I endeavoured, before entering on 
his official services in Nepal, to exhibit the man as apart 
from his work, so now I should like to briefly show what 
manner of life he led at Darjiling ere I embark upon 
its results to the world. 

The narrative must be a brief one. But before recurring 
to Hodgson's private letters, perhaps 1 ought to show how 
his life and work at Darjiling appeared to a calm and 
competent eye-witness. Sir Joseph Hooker, then a young 
naturalist in the first enthusiasm of the scientific travels 
which have given him a unique place among Englishmen 
of our day, thus speaks of Hodgson in his Himalayan 
Journals* : 

" Mr. Hodgson's high position as a man of science 
requires no mention here. But the difficulties he overcame, 
and the sacrifices he made, in attaining that position, are 
known to few. He entered the wilds of Nepal when very 
young and in indifferent health, and finding time to spare, 
cast about for the best method of employing it. He had 
no one to recommend or direct a pursuit, no example 
to follow, no rival to equal or surpass. He had never 

1 Himalayan Journals, or Notes of a Naturalist, by Sir Joseph 
Dalton HOOKCT, K.C.S.I., C.B., F.R.S., p. xi, ed. 1854, and p. xiii, 
Minerva Edition of 1891. 


been acquainted with a scientific man, and knew nothing 
of science except the name. The natural history of men 
and animals, in its most comprehensive sense, attracted 
his attention ; he sent to Europe for books, and commenced 
the study of ethnology and zoology. His labours have 
now extended over upwards of twenty-five years' residence 
in the Himalaya. During this period he has seldom 
had a staff of less than from ten to twenty persons 
(often many more), of various tongues and races, em- 
ployed as translators and collectors, artists, shooters, and 

"By unceasing exertions and a princely liberality, Mr. 
Hodgson has unveiled the mysteries of the Buddhist 
religion, chronicled the affinities, languages, customs, and 
faiths of the Himalayan tribes, and completed a natural 
history of the animals and birds of these regions. His 
collections of specimens are immense, and are illustrated 
by drawings and descriptions taken from life, with remarks 
on the anatomy, habits, and localities of the animals them- 
selves. Twenty volumes of the Journals and the Museum 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal teem with the proofs of 
his indefatigable zeal ; and throughout the cabinets of the 
birds and quadruped departments of our national Museum, 
Mr. Hodgson's name stands pre-eminent A seat in the 
Institute of France, and the cross of the Legion of Honour, 
prove the estimation in which his Buddhist studies arc 
held on the Continent of Europe. To be welcomed to the 
Himalaya by such a person, and to be allowed' the most 
unreserved intercourse, and the advantage of all his in- 
formation and library, exercised a material influence on 
the progress I made in my studies, and on my travels. 
When I add that many of the subjects treated of in these 
volumes were discussed between us, it will be evident that 
it is impossible for me to divest much of the information 
thus insensibly obtained of the appearance of being the 
fruits of my own research." 

The earlier years of Hodgson's life at Darjiling were 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 245 

very solitary ones. " I read and read," he says ia a letter ! 
to his sister Fanny, " and write and read. My subjects arc 
Ethnology and Zoology and Education all ample fields 
and yet enough untrodden to render intelligent truthful 
labours permanently valuable. And such I crust will be 
mine. I will send you a copy of my work on Education, 
and also one of the several Essays on the Aborigines. 
But of Zoology you will not care to hear, though even 
that can be made rational and pleasant, and for my part, 
in the study of nature I find an extreme comfort ami 
pleasure. The thing is so truthful, calm, and real, as 1 
pursue it not in books but in actual subjects." 

In these first years at Darjiling he again suffered from a 
recurrence of the maladic f which had distressed him in 
Nepal. Against these maladies he bore up with unshaken 
courage, eking out the powers of a fever-shaken constitu- 
tion by the most abstemious diet, and by an almost abso- 
lute retirement from the world. In the spring of 1848 he 
'had the great happiness of being joined by Dr. Hooker, 
who was then engaged on the researches embodied in his 
Himalayan Journals. In the autumn he gave his sister 
Fanny a graphic description of his home and its sur- 
roundings. 2 

" I have still my accomplished and amiable guest, Dr. 
Hooker, with me, and am even thinking of accompanying 
him on an excursion to the foot of the snows. Our glorious 
peak Kinchinjinga proves to be the loftiest in the range 
and consequently in the world, being 28, \ 78 feet above the 
sea. 3 Dr. Hooker and I wish to make the nearer acquaint- 
ance of this king of mountains, and we propose, if we can, 
to slip over one of the passes into Tibet in order to measure 
the height of that no less unique plateau, and also to 
examine the distribution of plants and animals in these 

1 Dated Darjiling, December Jth, 1847. 
3 Letter dated Darjiling, September 25th, 1848. 
* Written before Mount Everest was finally ascertained to be 29,003 
feet above sea-level. 


remarkable mountains which ascend from nearly the sea- 
level, by still increasing heights and corresponding changes 
of climate, to the unparalleled elevation above spoken of. 

" Dr. Hooker is young in years but old in knowledge, 
has been at the Antarctic Pole with Ross, and is the friend 
and correspondent of the veteran Humboldt. He says our 
Darjiling botany is a wondrous mixture of tropical and 
northern forms, even more so than in Nepal and the 
western parts of the Himalayan ranges ; for we have 
several palms and tree-ferns and Cy cases and Musas (wild 
plantain), whereas to the westward there arc few or none 
of these. Cryptogamous plants abound yet more here 
than there, especially fungi. Every old tree is loaded with 
them and with masses of lichens, and is twined round by 
climbing plants as big as itself, whilst Orchidca or air 
plants put forth their luscious blossoms from every part 
of it. 

" Dr. Hooker has procured ten new species of rhododen- 
drons, one of which is an epiphyte, and five palms and 
three Musas and three tree-ferns and two Cycases. These 
are closely juxtaposed to oaks, chestnuts, birches, alders, 
magnolias, Michclias, Oleas, all of enormous size. To 
them I must add rhododendrons, including the glorious 
epidendric species above spoken of, and whose large white 
blossoms depend from the highest branches of the highest 
oaks and chestnuts. Laurels too abound with me as 
forest trees, and a little to the north are the whole coni- 
ferous family, Pinus, Picea, Abies, with larch and cedar 
and cypress and juniper, all represented by several species 
and nearly all first-rate for size and beauty. Then my 
shrubs are Camclias and Daphnes and Polygonums and 
dwarf bamboos ; and my herbaceous things, or flowers 
and grasses, bluebells, geraniums, Cynoglossum, Myriactis, 
Gnaphalium, with nettles, docks, chickweeds, and such 
household weeds. 

4< I wish, Fan, you were here to botanisc with Dr. 
Hooker ; for I am unworthy, having never heeded this 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 247 

branch of science, and he is such a cheerful, well-bred 
youthful philosopher that you would derive as much 
pleasure as profit from intercourse with him. Go and see 
his father Sir William Hooker at the Royal Gardens at 

" I am living here," wrote Sir James Colvilc when on 
a visit to Hodgson in 1847, "in a Babel of tribes and 
nations, and, to make them more interesting, I am living 
with an eminent ethnologist, who for more than twenty- 
five years has had, and profited by, peculiar opportunities 
of studying the varieties of men thai inhabit the Sub- 
Himalaya. He is Mr. Hodgson (better known to the 
world in general as a naturahst), who for many years was 
our Resident in Nepal, and then occupied his leisure in 
these researches. He was, "notwithstanding, an excellent 
public servant." After referring to Lord Kllcnborough's 
supersession of Hodgson as *' one of the most wanton acts 
of his capricious tyranny/' Sir James Colvilc goes on to 
say : " Hodgson in disgust, unfortunately for himself, 
resigned the service. Had he not done so he would pro- 
bably by this time have found his way back to Nepal. 
As it is, not feeling comfortable in Europe, he has returned 
to these hills and continues, but with crippled means, his 
scientific labours as a private gentleman. ... I have 
learned more about India from him in these few weeks 
than I have learned at Calcutta in nearly two years." l 

These quiet years at Darjiling enabled Hodgson to save 
money. His comparative poverty during his first brief 
visit home, he wrote to his sister Fanny, 2 was *' to the full 
as much owing to my early and continued aids to members 
of my family as to the sudden and unlooked for termina- 
tion of a brilliant career, which could not have been run 
at all on parsimonious principles, and which was run so 

1 Letter from Sir James Colvile, Chief Justice of Bengal, to Moukton 
Milnes, dated Darjiling, October nth, 1847. Life of Lord Houghton, 
by T. Wemyss Reid, Vol. L, p. 382. Ed. 1890 

* Letter dated Darjiling, August loth, 1848. 


successfully as to keep us all afloat from the second year 
of my service. My brothers consumed a great deal of my 
money, so much that William grew actually remorseful at 
last, and would have Edward only and not me to sign that 
bond for 1,000, which, however, as usual it fell on me to 
pay. Personally, I have ever been all simplicity in my 

Now his poor brothers lay in Indian graveyards, and he 
had only his parents to help. His own hermit life at Dar- 
jiling could not have cost above a few hundred pounds a 
year, and another few hundred would maintain a score of 
bird-stuffers, hunters, and native assistants for his zoologi- 
cal collections. So the process of accumulation at last 

How simple and unworldly was that life, with its 
intensity of isolated devotion to noble pursuits in spite of 
ill-health, may be realised from some reminiscences which 
Sir Joseph Hooker has kindly written out for me. Seldom 
has one great naturalist seen another thus eyoto-eyc, or 
spoken of him so directly from the heart. Any attempt 
to put his impressions into my words would lessen their 
interest. In the following pages, therefore, I leave his 
manuscript narrative to speak for itself as 


I owed my introduction to Mr. Hodgson to the good 
offices of our mutual friend the late Sir James Col vile, 
then Advocate-General, Calcutta, and President of the 
Bengal Asiatic Society. 

I arrived at Darjiling in the spring of 1848. Hodgson 
received me cordially, and invited me to make his house 
my headquarters ; to share his table and make every use 
of his valuable library, which was rich in works relating 
to the Himalaya, Nepal, and Tibet. Thus I had the 
advantage, at the outset of my explorations, of the counsel 


and hospitality of the man who was facile princeps in 
respect of knowledge of the Eastern Himalaya, its peoples, 
products, and natural history. From the above date till 
early in 1850, when I left Sikkim, my intercourse with 
Mr. Hodgson was uninterrupted. 

Hodgson was then in his forty-ninth year. After re- 
tiring from the service and visiting England, he returned 
to India with the view of continuing his researches in the 
Ethnography and Zoology of Northern India. He se- 
lected as his residence Darjiling, then a little-known 
locality in an unknown country. lie had three good 
reasons for his choice. It promised hi<n absolute freedom 
from the trammels of society. It was in a central position 
in respect of the field of his future labour. 1 1 is old friend 
and medical attendant, Dr. Campbell, who had been also 
his assistant at the Nepal Residency, had lately been 
appointed Superintendent of Darjiling and to the political 
charge of our relations with the State of Sikkim. 

Hodgson's dwelling was in a narrow clearing of the 
majestic forest that then clothed the mountains of Sikkim 
on ever)' side, and crept up to the very walls of the few 
houses of which the station consisted. It was a modest 
bungalow afterwards called Bryanstone, 1 of the ordinary 
Anglo-Indian type, with two rooms (dining-room and 
sitting-room) in fiont ; two bedrooms with bath-room 
behind ; a verandah in front and on the sides ; and 
supplementary sleeping apartments and offices in the rear. 
Occupying the slope of a ridge over 8,000 feet high, facing 
the north at an elevation of 7,500 feet, it commanded a 
view of the snowy Himalaya unrivalled for grandeur and 
extent Immediately in front at about forty-.scvcn miles 
distant, Kinchinjinga, one of the three loftiest mountains 
in the globe, rears itself to 28,178 feet above the sea-level, 
and 20,000 feet above that of Bryanstone. From its vast 

1 At first named Herbert Hill, after Sir Herbr-rt Maddock who had 
built it as a residence for himself, and from whom Hodgson bought it 
in 1847- W. W. H. 


shoulders the perpetually snowed range is continued east 
and west for about seventy miles, without the smallest 
break of the snow-line even in the height of summer. It 
is a wonderful panorama, startling in its effect when first 
revealed by the rising mists on a cloudless morning. The 
eye spans the intervening gulf of interlacing ranges, 
divided by rushing streams and clothed with tropical 
forests, until it is arrested by the dazzling amphitheatre of 
silvery crests. 

During the whole of my two years* stay at Sikkim, 
Nepal, and Himalaya, Hodgson was an invalid, suffering 
from the effects of fevers contracted in Nepal and from 
incurable sleeplessness. He often told me that he did not 
know what sleep was, so active was his mind and so brief 
were the snatches of repose which nature must have 
demanded, and which no doubt she obtained, however 
little the patient was conscious of it. He slept in one of 
the supplementary apartments alluded to above, and not 
unfrcqucntly passed days and even weeks there, during 
which 1 never saw him except to give some simple 
remedies for his distressing ailment. 

Ever since his arrival at Darjiling he had lived the life 
of a hermit. With the exception of a short visit from Sir 
James Col vile and his sister, he had received no visitor 
until my advent. Nor had he admitted to his house any 
one in the station except his old friend Dr. Campbell. 
The latter informed me that his Nepal life would have 
been almost equally one of solitude but for the society of 
the most intellectual of the high-caste Nepalcsc of the 
Court, and of the learned Lamas of Kathmandu and 
especially of Tibet, the latter of whom made frequent 
visits to him in Nepal. 

During the rainy season of 1848 we were very much 
together, and I remember no more delightful hours of my 
life than the evenings we spent chatting over our cheroots 
by the light of the wood fire, with the pile of logs for fuel 
alongside, gleaming with lambent light from the presence 


of a phosphorescent fungus in the decaying bark to us 
a constant source of wonderment and speculation. This 
may not now be so frequent a phenomenon in the forests 
of Sikkim as it was half a century ago, before the reckless 
clearances took place which have resulted in the modifica- 
tion of the climate. At the period referred to, it was often 
difficult to get one's pony to pass the piles of logs stacked 
by the wayside, so bright was the light the)* emitted. 

There w?s no "skating over thin ice" in our discussions 
and controversies. He encouraged me to dispute his 
theories, especially on the structure and geology and gl'icia- 
tion of the Himalaya and Tibet He viewed these from 
his wide reading nnd his experience in the Valley of Nepal ; 
I, from what 1 had seen ir the Antarctic regions and else- 
where. We kept early hours, though what they were 1 
do not clearly recollect. Breakfast was I think at eight, 
dinner about three, and tea at eight, with nothing between. 
The forenoon was devoted to study, and we rode for a 
couple of hours late in the afti-rnoon. Except when he 
went down to the plains for a few months in winter to 
escape the cold and damp of Darjiling, he never once to 
my knowledge walked a yard from his home. 

On leaving Nepal Hodgson gave up his studies in 
Buddhist Literature, and confined his attention to the four 
subjects which he pursued with ardour at Darjiling. Those 
were the furtherance of Vernacular Education in India ; 
the study of the Races of Northern India and their lan- 
guages ; the physical geography of the Himalaya and 
Tibet ; and the zoology, especially the ornithology, of 
Sikkim. Of these subjects the last was probably the least 
prolific in results. For in the first place the zoology of 
Sikkim is not materially different from that of Nepal, 
which he had for twenty years so diligently and success- 
fully explored. In the second place the ubiquity and 
density of the Sikkim forest, the sparsencss of its popula- 
tion and the humidity of its climate, are obstacles to the 
collection and preservation of specimens. In the third 


place the religion of the country being Buddhist, the 
Lamas taught, and the as yet unsophisticated people 
believed, that the taking of life would be followed by 
disasters to their flocks and crops. 

During my travels in the interior I was accompanied 
by a couple of Hodgson's trained huntsmen for the pur- 
pose of procuring specimens for him, and it was a source 
of vexation to me that I could do so little for a friend who 
did so much for me. But what could I do but comply 
when, on arriving at a village with good sporting ground 
around, I was met by a troop of Lamas from the Buddhist 
monastery bringing presents, with the request that my 
attendants should not shoot or even fish within the range 
of their spiritual functions ? 

Returning to the chimney-corner of Bryanstone, an in- 
exhaustible source of conversation was provided by the 
volumes of the Asiatic Society's Transactions^^. Gleanings 
in Science, and the Bengal Asiatic Society s Journal. I 
made a point of reading every article that I could at all 
understand. These repertories of half a century of Oriental 
literature and science Hodgson was ever ready to talk 
over with me, thus adding tenfold to their interest and in- 
structivcness. It was delightful to find him so thoroughly 
acquainted with the writings of his predecessors and so 
enthusiastic an admirer of them. As regards the Gleanings 
in Science, established in 1829 by his friend the lamented 
James Prinsep (one of the most brilliant geniuses that 
India ever knew, but cut off after a brief career), and the 
Bengal Asiatic. Society's Journal, no one contributed so 
largely to their contents as Hodgson ; no fewer than a 
hundred and eighty papers, the latest dated 1858, bearing 
his name as author. 

It was, however, towards extending the benefits of 
Vernacular Education to the natives of India that Hodgson's 
energies were principally directed during my stay in 
Sikkim. To that end, amongst other of his projects, a 
leading one was the construction of an Atlas of Physical 


Geography suited for schools. In this I had the gratifica- 
tion of co-operating with him, and many and long were 
our discussions upon the nature and extent of the work. 
They resulted in his asking me to communicate his views 
to Baron Humboldt, with the request that, if he approved 
of the plan proposed, he would indicate an author com- 
petent to supply an elementary treatise on the physics of 
the globe with maps. At the same time he offered a 
liberal gratirty in advance for authorship out of his own 
pocket, and procured subscriptions among his friends to 
provide for its translation into the vernacular. Baron 
Humboldt recommended as author a man distinguished for 
his knowledge of the subject and who accepted the com- 
mission, but never completed the work. One half was 
supplied : it was long and learned enough, but totally 
unsuitcd to the requirements ; and as a further gratuity 
was demanded for its completion, the project in the con- 
templated form had to be abandoned. 

This leads me to the subject of the Physical Geography 
of the Himalaya, upon which our discussions were lon^; 
and often animated, for we differed considerably in our 
conceptions of the structure of the chain and its relations 
to the geography of the countries adjacent to it. His 
own conclusions were communicated to fas Journal of t/ie 
Bengal Asiatic Society whilst I was still in Sikkim, in a 
very remarkable and learned essay, wherein the whole 
subject of the mountain and its river-systems, peoples, 
and productions is treated with a fulness of knowledge 
of which I had not a fraction. 

In the early spring of 1849, I spent a fortnight with 
Hodgson in the Tarai and plains at the foot of the Sikkim 
Himalaya. It was the only excursion we took together, 
and a very enjoyable one it v\as. The Tarai at that 
time formed a belt of jungle about ten miles in breadth, 
virulently malarious in summer, and always swarming 
with wild animals. It was in this tract that Lady Canning 
was struck down in 1851 by the fever which carried her 


off, brought on by a few hours' halt in the forest for the 
purpose of sketching. It has since been opened up and 
much of its forest is replaced by tea-plantations. Having 
horses and tents, we passed the time most agreeably in 
shooting, botanising, and zoologising. Except a violent 
earthquake at Titalya, a delightful sail in double canoes 
down the rapids of the Tista river in the gorge where it 
leaves the mountains, and the cheering fact that Hodgson 
threw off most of his ailments for the time, there were no 
incidents of the trip of any moment to record. 

It remains to say that I cannot convey any adequate 
idea of the amount of active interest which Hodgson took 
in the success of my Sikkim explorations, of his solicitude 
for my welfare, health, and comfort during the many 
months that I was cut off from intercourse with any but 
natives. I owe it entirely to his personal influence with 
the late Sir Jang Bahadur that I was permitted in 1848-9 
to travel in Eastern Nepal, over ground never before or 
since traversed by any European, and to visit the jealously 
guarded passes of the Ncpalcsc Tibet frontier. He further 
exhausted every effort to persuade the same potentate to 
allow me to spend the season of 1850 in going through the 
Himalaya from Sikkim to Kathmandu. In this Hodgson 
supplemented the strong representations in my favour 
made by Lord Dalhousie. Their joint efforts would, I 
believe, have been successful, were it not that Jang 
Bahadur urged -that he was about to visit England, and 
could not be responsible during his absence for my per- 
sonal safety in a kingdom where jealousy of Europeans 
was a universal feeling, and where his own tenure of power 
was precarious. 

Nor were Hodgson's good offices confined to helping 
me in my work alone. During my travels in Sikkim I 
was dependent on Darjiling for food-supplies for myself 
and my people, as the Sikkim Raja had issued orders that 
neither grain nor flesh was to be sold to me. Thanks to 
the energy of Dr. Campbell (the Superintendent), parties 

x.J THE DARJILING KECLUSE: 18451858. 255 

of coolies were organised to carry food to me from Darji- 
ling with more or less of regularity a most difficult task 
during the rains when the unbridged torrents and malarious 
valleys rendered transport tedious and dangerous. Never 
one such party arrived without letters, newspapers, and 
often books from Hodgson, and a liberal addition to 
my commissarat of good things from his cellar and 

With these recollections of Sir Joseph Hooker, I close 
the personal aspects of Hodi .son's life at Darjiling. In 
1853 Hodgson made a short visit to his relatives in England 
and Holland, and became attached to Miss Anne Scott, 
daughter of General Henry Alexander Scott, R.A. Her 
family had during several generations rendered valuable 
service to their country, and the early death of her brother 
Robert closed prematurely what promised to be a distin- 
guished public career. Hodgson married Scott at the 
British Embassy at the Hague, both families being then 
abroad. A few weeks later he started again for Darjiling 
with his wife. The four years which followed were the 
happiest he ever spent in India. He found at length that 
companionship and sympathy for which he had so lont; 

During his later years at Darjiling he had the gratifica- 
tion of being invited by Sir Jang Bahadur, the all-powerful 
Minister in Nepal, to direct the education of his son-in- 
law, then heir-apparent to the throne. The young prince 
was sent to Darjiling to be under Hodgson's eye. The 
friendly relations thus maintained by Hodgson with the 
Nepalese Court bore good fruit during the Mutiny of 1857. 
Hodgson accompanied his wife, when in ill-health, to 
Calcutta and availed himself of his personal intercourse 
with Lord Canning to advocate the acceptance of a 
Gurkha contingent from Nepal. The task was a some- 
what delicate one. Hodgson knew well that any open 


action taken by him as a private person might give offence 
to our Resident at Kathmandu. He also found a strong 
feeling in Government House against trusting the Nepalcsc 
proffers of aid. " You praise these Gurkhas like your 
husband," said Lady Canning to Mrs. Hodgson, "but I 
can assure you that they are looked on here as being little 
better than the rebels." 

In May 1857 Jang Bahadur, on hearing of the outbreak 
of the Mutiny, placed the whole military resources of Nepal 
at the disposal of the British Government. Lord Canning 
after some hesitation accepted a contingent of 3,000 
Gurkhas in June, but his acceptance was a half-hearted 
one and left a feeling of disappointment on Jang Baha- 
dur's mind. Some correspondence took place between 
him and Hodgson, partly through the medium of his 
son-in-law, the heir-apparent and Hodgson's late pupil 
whom Jang Bahadur had charged Hodgson " to treat as 
your own son." In the end Jang Bahadur arranged that 
his son-in-law should meet Hodgson in Calcutta in the 
autumn, when the Jang was determined to again press his 
army and his personal service on the Governor-General. 
Owing to new complications the meeting did not take 
place, but Hodgson proceeded to Calcutta in October 
1857 and urged on Lord Canning a frank acceptance of 
Jang Bahadur's offer. 

The friendship of the Chief Justice of Bengal, with 
whom Hodgson was staying, afforded him frequent access 
to the Governor-General and we get a pleasant glimpse 
of more than one interview with Lady Canning. " Aunt 
Caledon's * friends, the Hodgsons, came to see me," Lady 
Canning writes on November 4th, 1857. "I w &s de- 
lighted with Mr. H. He is clever and amusing and very 
quaint. He has the highest opinion of Gurkhas, and 
considers them the best soldiers in the world in all ways, 

1 The Countess of Caledon, to whose family Mrs. Hodgson was 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 257 

especially for discipline, provided no one interferes with 
their domestic concerns." * 

" I urged," Hodgson wrote in one of his private papers, 
"the great value, negative and positive, of the proffered 
aid of Nepal for putting down the Mutiny. I said that 1 
was not unaware of the suspicions generally entertained 
of the [Nepalesc] Darbar, but that 1 nevertheless felt 
convinced, if the Jang were fairly trusted and put into the 
hands of a representative of his Lordship having tact, 
experience and a liking for the Gurkhas fjood faith would 
be kept with us, some useful military service done for us, 
and above all in importance at such a moment, the 
spectacle exhibited of the Hindu State pat excellent. c in 
alliance and co-operation with us. 

" I then pointed to the great ability of the Jang, as 
demonstrated by that wonderful career which had made 
him the virtual ruler of his country and to the oppor- 
tunities for rightly estimating our power which the Jang 
had enjoyed during his visit to England. Such ability 
concurring with such opportunity, I continued, could 
hardly be at fault, and the exigencies of the Jang's position 
must make a personal connection with us of value to him. 
That, further, a man of the Jang's talents could not have 
noted in vain the risks his country had run in times past 
from collision with a Power which again and again he had 
seen rise superior to every difficulty. Lastly, I pointed 
out to Lord Canning that Nepal most eagerly coveted 
the restoration of the Western Tarai. Recent events had 
placed it at our disposal ; and the prospect of the grant of 
it to Nepal, while it might form a tie on the Jang, would 
offer to us the means of most conveniently rewarding the 
Darbar for faithful service." a 

Lord Canning, after a careful official inquiry, accepted 
this view. He gratified Hodgson by telling him that he 

1 Lady Canning's Journal, November 4th, 1857 : quoted in The Story 
of Two Noble Lives, by Augustus J. C. Hare, Vol. II., p. 339. Ed. 1893. 
* Hodgson Papers. 



had selected one of Hodgson's personal friends, Sir George 
MacGregor, as the British officer to be attached to Jang 
Bahadur during the joint military operations. Indeed Sir 
George himself wrote to Hodgson that he believed not 
only his own appointment but the whole scheme practically 
resulted from Hodgson's insistence with Lord Canning. 
A new arrangement 1 was come to with Jang Bahadur 
under which he himself marched into our disaffected 
territories with a force that ultimately formed a complete 
little army of 17,000 men. The valuable work done by 
that force under Jang Bahadur's leadership is recorded in 
history. 2 It suffices here to note that Lord Canning's 
orders to Brigadier MacGregor to join Jang Bahadur's army, 
as representative of the Government of India during the 
joint operations, were dated December 4th, 1857, exactly 
one month after Lady Canning's entiy in her journal. 

The development of the Gurkha regiments in the British 
service after the Mutiny, on the lines so long urged by 
Hodgson, forms one of the most remarkable chapters in 
the history of our Indian army. I have dwelt on the 
earlier stages of that development in a previous chapter. 3 
The old local battalions constructed out of the conquered 
or disbanded Nepalese troops after the war of 1815 had 
been embodied into three Gurkha regiments by Lord 
Dalhousic in 1850. Hodgson's representations backed by 
the opinions of Lord Canning's military advisers led to the 
formation of the 4th Gurkha Regiment in 1857.* The 
battalion which afterwards became the 5th Gurkha Regi- 
ment was raised in the following year. Our whole Gurkha 

1 Colonel Malleson's History of the Indian Mutiny ', pp. 321 et seq., 
Vol. II. Ed. 1879. I thank Colonel Malleson for kind aid in this part 
of my work. 

8 Letter from the Right Honourable the Governor-General to 
Colonel MacGregor, C.B., dated Calcutta, December 4th, 1857. 

3 Vide ante, pp. 106-1 10, etc. 

* It appears from the Hodgson Papers that he was also in Calcutta 
in June 1857, and it seems probable that he began at once to urge the 
capabilities of the Gurkhas on Lord Canning. 

x.] THE DARJILING RECLUSE: 18451858. 259 

force was reorganised on a permanent regimental basis in 
1861 as a result of the lesson learned in 1857. With 
subsequent additions it now numbers fifteen regiments, 
nearly 14,000 strong, of whom about 13,000 arc Gurkhas 
and the remainder hillmen from neighbouring tribes. 1 

At the end of the chapter I shall give a note showing in 
detail the growth of the Gurkha regiments in the army of 
British India. Hodgson's idea, which he had urged in vain 
in 1832," and for which he obtained a partial acceptance 
in 1850 and 1857, has borne abundant fiuit. Throughout 
the past quarter of n century wherever there has been hard 
fighting to be done by our 1'niian troops, or wherever 
honour could b^ coined, the Gurkha regiments have been to 
the front, conspicuous for t'icLr gallantry and light-hearted 
endurance of the perils and privations of the campaign. 

During his last year* in Bengal Hodgson had the pleasure 
of seeing the practical realisation of another of his cherished 
schemes. In 1^54-55 the views which he had long advo- 
cated in regard to vernacular education were adopted as 
the basis of public instruction in Intlia. Unfortunately 
in 1857 his wife's health gave way, and she had to leave 
for Europe. As the doctois could hold out no hope of her 
ever again being able to bear the climate, Hodgson gave 
up his life's work at Darjiling and returned to England 
for good and all in the summer of 1858. 


IST GURKHA REGIMI:NT. The Nusserec Battalion was raised on 
April 24th, 1815, and was in 1850 designated the 66th Gurkha Regiment 
of Bengal Light Infantry, taking the place of the 66th Bengal Infantry, 

1 A return kindly supplied to me by General Sir Oliver Newmarch, 
K.C.S.I., Military Secretary at the India Office, gives the exact total 
of the Gurkha regiments at 13,734 in February 1895. 

2 Vide ante, p. 109. 

3 From information furnished by the Military Department in the 
India Office, 1895. 


which was disbanded for mutiny. This became the ist Gurkha 
Regiment in 1861, and a 2nd Battalion was added in 1886. A new 
Nusseree Battalion was formed in 1850, and disbanded on the reduction 
of the army in 1861. 

2ND GURKHA REGIMENT. The Sirmoor Rifle Regiment was raised 
on April 24th, 1815, and was made a Gurkha regiment in 1850. It was 
called the 2nd Gurkha Regiment in 1861, and a 2nd Battalion was 
added in 1886. 

3RD GURKHA REGIMENT. The Kemaoon Regiment, which was raised 
on April 24th, 1815, was reserved for Gurkhas in 1850. It was desig- 
nated the 3rd Gurkha Regiment in 1861, and a 2nd Battalion was added 
in 1887. 

4TH GURKHA REGIMENT. This regiment was raised in 1857. It 
became the 4th Gurkha Regiment in 1861, and a 2nd Battalion was 
added in 1886. 

STH GURKHA REGIMENT. The Huzara Gurkha Battalion was raised 
in 1858, and was designated the 5th Gurkha Regiment in 1861. A 
2nd Battalion was added in 1886. These two battalions of the 5th 
Gurkhas belong to the Punjab Frontier Force. 

In addition to these there are the three Assam Corps, now called the 
42nd, 43rd, and 44th Gurkha (Rifle) Regiments of Bengal Infantry, the 
9th Gurkha (Rifle) Regiment of Bengal Infantry, and the 39th (The 
Garhwal Rifle) Regiment of Bengal Infantry, altogether fifteen regi- 
ments of Gurkhas and hillmen. 

In round numbers nearly 14,000 men, each regiment being 912 strong. 



HODGSON'S contributions to scholarship were of 
threr kinds. He was the largest and most muni- 
ficent collector of manuscripts, ancient texts, and vernacular 
tracts that ever went to India. 1 He was also an erudite 
^tudcnt of the new materials" which he thus collected, nor 
did the originality of his conclusions less impress his 
contemporaries than the stores of buried learning which 
he brought lo light. Having gathered together his data 
and used them so far as his hard-earned leisure allowed, 
he handed them over to the learned Societies of India ami 
Europe in trust for scholars who could bring to their 
investigation the final processes of modern research. His 
magnificent liberality enriched not only the British 
Museum, the India Office Library, and the Asiatic 
Societies in Great Britain and in India, but also the 
Institute of France and the Socit Asiatiquc de Paris 
with treasures which have not even yet been completely 

Hodgson had a passion for collecting. By rare good 
fortune he found himself set down in a part of Asia 
isolated from European scholarship and as a field for 
the collector absolutely untouched. Within a few months 
of his definite return to Nepal in 1824 a stream of 
manuscripts, specimens, and antiquarian curios of many 

1 Catalogue of the Buddhist Sanskrit MSS. in the University Library, 
Cambridge (Ed. 1883), Preface, p. vii.byMr. Cecil Bendall, M.A., whom 
I have to thank for much kind aid. 


sorts began to flow into the Asiatic Society in Calcutta 
from the young Assistant Resident at Kathmandu. 

Hodgson had, however, not only a virgin field as a 
collector ; he also appeared on the scene at the precise 
moment when a collector in that field obtained for the 
first time the facilities which made it possible for others 
to use his collections. In the very year that Hodgson 
returned to Nepal, Dr. Carey was preparing his Grammar 
and Dictionary of the Tibetan Language the language 
of the suzerain power of Nepal and the one great language 
of culture in Central Asia. Hodgson saw his opportunity* 
and in December 1824 he submitted a memorandum to 
the Bengal Asiatic Society setting forth the prospects of 
new discovery thus opened up. It is a remarkable pro- 
duction for a young enthusiast in his twenty-fourth year. 1 

" The stores of Tibetan literature need no longer remain 
a sealed fountain to us for want of a knowledge of the 
language in which they are recorded All therefore that 
remains to be done is to procure these works, and to this 
object I will cheerfully address myself. It must be satis- 
factory to scholars to learn that in acquiring this new 
instrument [the Tibetan language] they will not meet with 
any great difficulty. For although the vernacular tongue of 
Tibet may be radically distinct from Sanskrit, its learned 
language certainly bears the closest affinity (sic)" He then 
refers to the collection of over sixty manuscripts and texts 
which he is despatching to the Society, and hopes they " will 
be found as intrinsically valuable as they are bulky. I pro- 
cured them from the archives of [the Buddhist monastery 
of] Svayambhu-nath, and from the poor traffickers and 

1 Memorandum by B. H. Hodgson, dated December 5th, 1824. 
Space compels me to condense. I am only able to give extracts, and 
I change the word " Bhotiya " to its modern equivalent " Tibetan." 
MS. Records of the Bengal Asiatic Society. I take this opportunity to 
express my obligations to Sir Charles Elliott, K.C.S.I., as President of 
the Society, and to Mr. C. R. Wilson as its Secretary (1894), for their 
generous response to my numerous applications for materials preserved 
in the Society's manuscript archives. 


monks who annually visit Nepal. Many of the works 
are mere fragments, and partially destroyed by time 
or dirt popular tracts suited to the capacity and wants 
of the humbler classes of society, among whom they 
were found by me not without frequent surprise that 
literature of any kind should be so common in such a 
region as Tibet ; and that it should be so widely diffused 
as to reach persons covered with filth and possessed of 
not one of those thousand luxuries which, at least in our 
ideas, go before the great luxury of books. 

" Printing is probably the chief cause of this great 
diffusion of books [in Tibet], nor can I account for it unless 
by supposing that the hordes of priests, secular and 
regular, with which the country swarms have been driven 
by the tedium of their life to these admirable uses of their 
time. The invention of printing the Tibetans no doubt 
got from China. But the universal use they make of it 
is a merit of their own. The poorest fellow who visits 
this valley is seldom without his religious tract, 1 and from 
every part of his dress dangle charms ' J made up in slight 
cases whose interior exhibits the neatest workmanship in 

Referring to the abundance of manuscripts, specimens 
of which he then forwarded, Hodgson comments on the 
universal use of writing in Tibet as scarcely less remarkable 
than the wide diffusion of printed books. These manu- 
scripts he had obtained " from the humblest individuals " ; 
" their numbers and variety " are worthy of note. " The 
printing of Tibet is performed by wooden block presses, 
which however are often beautifully engraved. Their 
writing exhibits fine specimens of very graceful penman- 

In this vast unexplored field Hodgson found trcasure- 

1 Pott in the original. 

3 Mantras, given as jantras in my copy of Hodgson's MS. memor- 
andum. This memorandum was partly utilised in Hodgson's Essay 
of 1828 ; p. 35, etc., of Triibner's reprint of 1874. 


troves on every side. He only regretted the inadequacy 
of his private means to the task before him. "Nepal," 
he wrote privately, 1 "has many old valuables going fast 
to oblivion, and Tibet probably has many more. But 
these things are very expensive. What I have already 
sent have cost me sundry rupees too numerous to be 
mentioned yet given most cheerfully. 2 I saw the other 
day a house full of manuscripts, hardly one legible, and 
the instance I am told is not a solitary one in this valley. 
Do look at the first five numbers on my list. That is, look 
at the great work so indicated, and tell me if in so large 
a body some soul of Tibetan literature must not needs 
be found." 

The task to which Hodgson thus devoted himself as a 
young man, he steadily carried out during his whole 
Indian career. " He collected," says Burnouf, " a larger 
body of original documents on Buddhism than had up to 
that time been ever gathered together either in Asia or in 
Europe." 3 Yet Burnouf had examined not a sixth part 
of the enormous mass of materials with which Hodgson 
endowed the libraries of Europe and India, when death 
cut short the French scholar's design of completely ex- 
ploring the Hodgson manuscripts as the basis of a 
monumental work on Northern Buddhism. Fifteen years 
ago I printed catalogues of 399 Sanskrit manuscripts 4 
and Buddhist works thus presented by Hodgson. It is 
scarcely too much to say that, with the exception of 

1 Letter to Mr. Bayley, dated Kathmandu, December $th, 1824, 
9 Hodgson's successor in the collection of MSS. in Nepal, Dr. Wright, 
offered as much as i$o for an MS. of the Mahavastu, and failed to 
get it. Mr. Cecil Bendall in the Abhandlung des Filnftcn Inter- 
nationalen Oricntalisten Congresses gehalten zu Berlin im September, 
i88i f p. 201. 

3 Introduction d tHistoire du Buddhisme Indicn, par E. Burnouf 
(quarto, Paris, 1844; 2 d Ed. 1876), p. i. 

4 Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts Collected in Nepal by Brian 
Houghton Hodgson, Esq., F.R.S. Compiled by Sir William Hunter, 
K.C.S.I., LL.D. Triibner, 1881. 


Mr. Bendall's researches into the Sanskrit MS, texts at 
Cambridge, and Prof. Ninaer's contributions, almost all 
the original work among northern Buddhist manuscripts in 
France, Great Britain, and India has during the past half- 
century been based upon material^ collected by Hodgson. 

Some of these manuscripts are of extreme age. The 
dry climate of Nepal is admirably adapted for the preser- 
vation of documents. Its isolated position saved it from 
the havoc of the Musalman invasions, amid which so many 
of the literary treasures of ancient India perished. The 
very early use of paper in Tibet supplied an alternative 
substance more enduring than the brittle palm-leaves 
employed for the purpose in India, and to sonic extent 
also in Nepal. 1 Even the decline of learning in Nepal 
tended to conserve the memorials of its ancient scholarship. 
Many of the old Nepalesc manuscripts survived for 
centuries forgotten and unread. In certain of them, dating 
as far back as the eleventh century, the powder-chalk is as 
fresh as when it was put in by the scribe to keep the 
leaves from sticking. But if not read, these old manu- 
scripts were guarded in their wrappings of fine silk as 
sacred heirlooms, "with all the superstitious care that an 
ignorant people can sometimes give to the monuments of 
an unknown learning." 2 

The Nepalese annals of the twelfth century A.D. relate 
how, when a village was in flames, a Brahman widow fled 
from her burning house with only her infant son, a little 
model of her Buddhist shrine, and a holy text written in 
letters of gold in her arms. It was to this same twelfth 
century that the oldest manuscript sent by Hodgson to 

1 As an example of Hodgson's minute inquiries into everything con- 
nected with the palaeography and manuscripts of Nepal, see his curious 
note written in 1831 "On the Native Method of making the Pa 
denominated in Hindustan, Nepalese." Reprinted, with 

script by Dr. Campbell, in Hodgson's Essays (Triibner, i ? 
pp. 251-254. 

2 Mr. Cecil Bendall's paper in the Abhandlung dcs Fjfttytjftnlcr- 
nationalen Orientalisien Congresses (1881), p. 190. Berli 


England belongs. 1 It holds a place of honour among the 
treasures of the Royal Asiatic Society in London and 
bears a date corresponding to 1165 A.D. A somewhat 
older manuscript of 1141 A.D. was forwarded by Hodgson 
to the Soci&e Asiatique de Paris, and he presented one 
still more ancient to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, dated 
1071 A.D. 2 

The results arrived at by Hodgson from his personal 
study of the materials which he collected form the subject 
of the concluding part of this chapter. Those results 
amounted to a new revelation to the Western world of 
scholarship, and earned for Hodgson the title given to him 
by Eugfcne Burnouf as " The Founder of the true study of 
Buddhism on the basis of the texts and original remains." 
After himself investigating his materials, Hodgson at once 
distributed them among the great Oriental Societies for 
the use of other scholars. This distribution will be detailed 
in Appendix A. A very brief summary must here 
suffice, and I fear that even the briefest summary may 
tax the patience of readers not specially interested in the 

Hodgson selected six famous libraries as the depositories 
of his Buddhist texts. To the Asiatic Society of Bengal 
in Calcutta he presented, from J 824 onwards, 94 Sanskrit 
Buddhist manuscripts ; to the College of Fort William, 66 ; 
to the Royal Asiatic Society, London, 79 ; to the India 
Office Library, London, 30 ; and to the Bodleian Library, 
Oxford, 7. Having thus placed at the disposal of British 
scholars a munificent endowment of manuscripts, he en- 
riched French Orientalists with a scarcely less splendid 
donation of 147 transmitted to Burnouf and the Socit6 

1 The Ashtasahasrika I'rajnaparamita, No. I in my List of 1881. 

1 I make this statement on the authority of a letter from Mr. Cecil 
Bendall to me, dated December i6th, 1895. Mr. Bendall noted on this 
manuscript when passing through Calcutta. It is the Prajnaparamita 
Ashtasahasrika, No. A 1 5 of Rajendra Lala Mitra's catalogue, where, by 
an obvious error in converting the dates, it is dated 1231 A.D. 


Asiatique de Paris. 1 Each one of these six collections, with 
the exception of the small one presented to Oxford, suffices 
for an encyclopaedic treatment of Northern Buddhism. 
The collection in the Bengal Asiatic Society at Calcutta 
supplied the materials for Dr. Rajendra Lala Mitra's 
monumental work on The Sanskrit Buddhist Literature 
of Nepal 2 perhaps the highest achievement of Hindu 
scholarship in this century. That in the Royal Asiatic 
Society's Library, London, has been catalogued by two 
of the most eminent Sanskritists of our day Professor 
Cowell of Cambridge and Professor Eggclmg of Edinburgh. 3 
The Hodgson manuscripts at the India Office, London, 
and in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, are enumerated in 
the lists of my Appendix f \. 

The 147 manuscripts v\hich Hodgson sent to Paris had 
a more distinguished destiny. They at once attracted 
the attention of the brilliant orientalist Eugene Burnouf. 
To France belongs the glory of having founded the first 
professorial chair for Sanskrit in Europe, and to Burnouf 
the honour of first placing the study of Buddhism on a 
scientific Western basis. This he accomplished from 
the materials supplied by Hodgson. His great work 
on the History of Buddhism was, as he tells us, con- 
structed from the manuscripts presented by Hodgson to 
the Paris Asiatic Society in 1837. Not only in that 

1 Some of them were copied by Hodgson's pandits at the expense 
of the Society Asiatique de Paris. Burnouf, Introduction a r Ilistoirc 
du Buddhismc, p. 4. Ed. 1876. 

* Published by tin- Asiatic Society of Bengal, large 8vo, 1882. 
Rajendra also published the Lalita-Vistara and the Ashtasahasrika 
Prajna-paramita from the MSS. presented by Hodgson to the Bengal 
Asiatic Society. In regard to another copy of the Lalita-Vistara 
MS. sent by Hodgson to Paris, M. Burnouf wrote : " Ce beau 
manuscrit, qui a etc ecrit avec le devanagari du Nepal, m'a et(3 
envoye dc Kathmandu par M. Hodgson en Avril 1836." See also 
Rajendra Lala Mitra's Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. in the 
Library of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Part I. Calcutta, 1877. 

3 Vol. VIII. of the Journal of 'the Royal Asiatic Society. New Series, 


work, 1 but also in his final one, Burnouf acknowledged 
Hodgson as the original discoverer of the materials out of 
which his genius reared so splendid a structure. Burnouf s 
letters attest his personal admiration for the solitary scholar 
in Nepal, and he addresses Hodgson as his "illustrious 
friend." 2 He gave the impulse to that enthusiasm for 
Hodgson among Continental savants which induced the 
French King to send the Legion of Honour to the Hima- 
layan recluse, the Institut dc France to appoint him a 
Corresponding Member, and the Socite Asiatique de Paris 
to commemorate his services by a gold medal. The 
crowning work of Burnouf s life, published after his death 
and forming as it were his literary testament, bears the 
following dedication : Ci A Monsieur Brian Houghton Hodg- 
son, mcmbrc du service civil dc la Compagnie dcs Indcs, 
comme au fondateur de la veritable etude du Buddhisme 
par Ics tcxtcs ct Ics monuments." 3 

The six collections of the Hodgson manuscripts referred 
to in preceding pages have all been catalogued, and each 
of them has to a larger or smaller extent been utilised. 
But, besides these, Hodgson presented two collections to 
France and England which yet await the scrutiny of the 
European scholar. In 1858 he sent a mass of Sanskrit 
manuscripts and Buddhist drawings to the Institute of 
France, in whose library they now repose. In 1864 he 
presented to the Secretary of State for India another 
large collection of manuscripts in Sanskrit, Persian, and 
Ncwari. The distinguished scholar who was then Librarian 
to the India Office recorded the collection to be of 
" eminent importance, if only [as] embracing materials 

1 Introduction d V Histoircdu Buddhism? Iudicn(?&tv&, 1844; 2nd Ed. 
1876), pp. i, 5, etc. See also A. Weber in the Literarischcs Central- 
blatt, No. 17, April 24th, 1875. 

3 CAof.r de tettres dEugcnc Burnouf, 18251852, No. CLXI., 
pp. 441, 444- Paris, 1891. 

3 Dedication of Le Lotus dc la Bonne Loi (quarto, Paris, 1852), being 
a translation of the MS. of the Saddharma-pundarika, presented by 
Hodgson (No. 27 in my.published list of the Hodgson MSS.) to Burnouf. 


from which for the first time the history, political, religious, 
and linguistic, of Nepal might be digested by a com- 
petent scholar." l This statement I can personally confirm, 
as I examined the collection while on sick-leave from 
India in 1867.- They originally filled three trunks, and 
have not yet been completely utilised. 3 I give a list of 
their contents in Appendix B, in the hope that some 
competent student will undertake the task. 

The col lections heretofore dealt with consist of manu- 
scripts in the Sanskrit language. 4 Hodgson, however, 
rendered a service of scarcely less importance to European 
scholarship by his collections of the Tibetan classics. 
These classics are embodied in two vast encyclopedias of 
sacred learning and philosophy aggregating 345 or 367 
volumes, known as the Kahgyur and Stangyur. They arc 
Tibetan versions of Sanskrit texts, printed from wooden 
blocks after the Chinese manner. The Kahgyur forms an 
encyclopedia of 123 volumes, containing the doctrine and 
moral precepts of Buddha as arranged by his chief disciples 
after his death/* The Stangyur is a still vaster collection 
of 224 volumes aggregating 76,409 leaves, each about 
two feet long. tt It forms a cycle of Tibetan learning, 

1 Report by the Librarian, Dr. FitzEdward Hall, to the Secretary of 
State for India, dated August c;th, 1864. 

3 When collecting the materials for my Comparative Dictionary of 
the Languages of India and High Asia, based on the Hodgson MSS. 
(Triibner, quarto, 1868) a work for which my opportunities and my 
knowledge were then inadequate. 

3 This collection is now preserved at the India Office Library in 
wooden boxes and brown-paper parcels. Professor Somers borrowed 
a packet in 1870; Dr. Burgess borrowed another in 1877, and the 
catalogue in 1882 ; Professor Benoldi borrowed two parcels in 1882. 
But the Librarian writes to me, December i8th, 1895, that these MSS. 
11 have not been really worked up." 

4 Excepting the miscellaneous papers in the three trunks presented 
to the India Office, and the Buddhist drawings presented to the 
Institute of France. 

5 Its " three Repositories " correspond to the so-called Buddhist Tripi- 
tika of China and Japan, although differing in arrangement and contents. 

Life of Alexander Csoma de Ko'ros, by Theodore Duka, M.D. (Trub- 


apparently the joint compilation of Indian pandits and 
Chinese or Tibetan literati, and includes commentaries 
on the Kahgyur, with original treatises on religious rites, 
ceremonies, philosophy, arts, and sciences. 

Hodgson obtained two sets of these encyclopaedias of 
Tibetan literature. The first set he transmitted to the 
College of Fort William, whence it passed in 1829 to the 
Bengal Asiatic Society, of whose library it still forms a 
chief ornament. 1 Whether this first set was altogether a 
gift from Hodgson, or paid for in part, I am unable to deter- 
mine. 2 The second set was presented to Hodgson about 
nine years later by the Grand Lama of Tibet himself, as 
the highest possible mark of honour to a learned foreigner 
an honour unprecedented in the annals of Tibet. It was 
a costly work, first printed in 1731 from blocks still used 
at a famous Buddhist monastery of Central Asia. 3 The 
Russian Government lately paid 2,000 for a copy of one 
half the series. Hodgson with his usual munificence pre- 
sented this set to the Court of Directors in 1838. It forms 
345 magnificent folios which bear his name in the India 
Office Library, part of them still in their curious Tibetan 
wrappers, the remainder bound in calf and morocco. 
They arc unique in Europe. Seven years later Hodgson 
endowed the British Museum, in 1845, with the Tibetan 

ner, 1885), p. 49; letter from Csoma de Kotos, dated May 25th, 1825. 
I take this opportunity of expressing my many obligations to 
Dr. Duka in regard to Hodgson's Tibetan researches. TheStangyur 
(which I have personally examined) makes 222 volumes in the India 
Office set. 

1 The present Secretary to the Bengal Asiatic Society (Mr. C. R. 
Wilson), in forwarding to me copies of the correspondence of July 
1829, adds: "It shows that the Kahgyur MSS. were presented by 
Hodgson to the College of Fort William, and hence were transferred 
to the Asiatic Society of Bengal. I have tried to find out when 
Hodgson presented the MSS. to Fort William College, but hitherto 
without result." 

8 Rajendra Lala Mitra, who examined the Hodgson collection in 
Calcutta, merely says : " The first set is now preserved in the library 
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.'' 3 Near Tashilumpo. 


translation of the Prajna-paramita a vast work ;n five 
volumes and 100,000 verses. 1 The enormous extent of 
these Tibetan collections may he realised from Burnoufs 
statement that while Hodgson sent between 1824 and 1829 
fifty volumes of Sanskrit to the Calcutta Ashtic Society, 
he sent four times as many in Tibetan. 

The materials which Hodgson thus accumulated he 
utilised by a process of his own. Hi? methods were by 
no means rapid ones. " Soon after my arrival in Nepal 
(1821)," he wrote, " I began to devise means of procuring 
some accurate information relative to Buddhism."- At 
first he met with serious difficulties " arising out of the 
jealousy of the people in regard to any profanation of their 
sacred things by i European, i nevertheless persevered." 
With the aid of a venerable pandit he obtained a list of 
Buddhist sacred texts hidden away in the monasteries of 
Nepal. Having won the old nrin's confidence, he persuaded 
him to gradually procure copies of the most important of 
the manuscripts. He then drew up a scries of questions 
on the religion and philosophy of Buddhism as actually 
existing in Nepal. The answers which he obtained he 
tested from the original manuscripts, with a result generally 
confirmative, but not always satisfactory in respect to the 
relative age and authority of the texts cited. " Thus one 
step led to another, until I conceived the idea of drawing 
up, with the aid of my old friend and his books, a sketch " 
of " Buddhism." 

" When, however, I conceived that design," he says very 
simply, " I little suspected where it would lead me. I 
began ere long to feel my want of languages, and to 
confess the truth of patience, and almost looked back with 
a sigh to the tolerably full and accurate account of 

1 Corresponding to the Sanskrit MS. Prajna-paramita, Sata-sahas- 
rika, presented by Hodgson to the Asiatic Society of Bengal , No. 52 
in my published List of the Hodgson Sanskrit MSS. (1881). 

3 Essays on the Languages, Literature, and Religion of Nepal and 
Tibet, by B. H. Hodgson, Esq. (Trfibner's reprint of 1874), p. 35. 


Buddhism which I had obtained so long ago, and with 
little comparative labour, from my old friend's answers to 
my queries." l 

His materials accumulated so as almost to threaten to 
bury him under their mass. Hodgson found himself a sort 
of literary Crusoe who in his solitude had built a ship 
beyond his powers to launch. Many years of severe labour 
elapsed before he produced his preliminary sketch, and the 
process of development went on during a period of nearly 
thirty years. 2 His first articles on Buddhism were con- 
tributed to the Bengal Asiatic Society in the years preceding 
1828, and appeared in the Asiatic Researches and Transac- 
tions of tlie Royal Asiatic Society in that year. They were 
supplemented by numerous communications, and embodied 
as a whole in 1841 in his Illustration of the Literature and 
Religion of the Buddhists? Reprinted in 1870,* they were 
finally issued as the opening section of Hodgson's first set 
of Collected Essays in 1 874:' 

Of so vast a mass of original work the very slightest 
sketch must here suffice. To render even that sketch 
bearable to the general reader I shall deal with Hodgson's 
views as finally condensed in the volume of 1874. 
Hodgson frankly admitted that it would be impossible 
for him to digest the mountains of manuscripts which he 
had collected. Such a task was beyond the reach of any 
one man or any dozen men. What he could do was to 
clearly present to European scholars the living Buddhism 
which he saw around him in Nepal, together with a com- 
prehensive review of the materials for studying its transi- 
tion stages from the ancient Buddhism of India. 

1 Hodgson's Essays, ut supra, 1874, p. 36 (originally printed 1828). 
8 Preface to Essays, ut supra, p. v (1874). 

3 Printed at the Serampur Press, near Calcutta, 1841. 

4 By Professor J. Summers in the Phoenix, a monthly magazine for 
subjects connected with China, Japan, and Eastern Asia, started in 
July 1870. 

6 They form pp. i to 145 of the volume of Hodgson's Essays 
reprinted by Trttbner in 1874. 6 Idem., pp. 13, 22, etc. 


Starting with an account of the spoken dialects of Nepal 
and passing thence to its literature, he gives an elaborate 
account of the Buddhist texts both in the Sanskrit and 
in the Tibetan languages. A masterly disquisition follows 
on the practical and speculative aspects of Buddhism in 
Tibet. He discloses the existence of four distinct systems 
of opinion respecting the origin of the world, the nature of 
a first cause, and the nature and destiny of the soul. Each 
3f these systems he examines in detail, glancing also at 
their subdivisions and at the various reconciling theories 
put forth by later Buddhist teachers. He shows how these 
four schools develop the various hypotheses, materialistic 
and immaterial, of the origin of God, the universe, and 

" In regard to the destiny of tiic*soul," he writes, " I can 
find no essential difference of opinion between the Buddhist 
and the Brahmanical sages. By all, metempsychosis and 
absorption are accepted. But absorbed into what ? Into 
Brahma, say the Brahmans ; into " diverse psychical states 
ranging from divinity to nothingness, " say the various sects 
of the Buddhists." ] Hodgson arrived at his materials for 
this part of his work by a prolonged process of inquiry 
from learned Brahmans and Buddhist priests. He had the 
good fortune to attract the friendship of the greatest pandit 
in Nepal a friendship which grew into a reverential 
affection on both sides. 

This erudite Buddhist, Amrita Nanda by name, was 
himself the author of several treatises in Sanskrit and of 
one in the Xcpalesc dialect. 2 He presented the highest 
type of the ancient native scholar, courteous, dignified, a well 
of learning, and with a memory so capacious and so perfectly 
trained as almost to do away with the need of manuscripts. 
The questions which Hodgson put to him, and Hodgson's 
commentaries on his replies, opened up unknown regions 

1 Hodgson's Essays, p. 26 ( 1874). 

- Newari. See preface to the Buddha-Carila of Asvaghosha, by 
Professor . B. Co well, p. xi. Clarendon Press, 1894. 



of research to the Western world. " How and when was 
the world created ? What was the origin of mankind ? Is 
matter an independent existence or derived from God? 
What are the attributes of God? Who is Buddha? is 
he God or the Creator or a Prophet or Saint? born of 
heaven or of a woman ? Did God ever submit to incarna- 
tion or make a descent to earth ? What is the cause of 
good and evil? What is the motive for your acts the 
love of God, the fear of God, or the desire of prospering in 
the world ? " These are a few of the comprehensive 
questions by which Hodgson laid bare the Buddhist expla- 
nations of the great problems of divine and human 
existence, and of the ways of God to man. 

In the Eastern systems religion forms a department of 
philosophy, and Hodgson's dissertation merges insensibly 
from the religious into the philosophic aspects of Buddhism. 
" Buddhist Philosophy," indeed, is the heading of by far 
the larger portion of his earliest work. 1 But the specula- 
tions are so abstruse, and involve a terminology so novel 
to English readers, as to render them unsusceptible of 
popular treatment Hodgson's account of the philosophic 
schools of Buddhism and their many subdivisions, of 
the attributes assigned by them to the Deity and semi- 
divine beings, his elaborate enumeration of the objects 
of Buddha worship, and his realistic exposition of the 
Buddhist religious orders, form a monument of patient 

Scarcely less interesting, although not always so search- 
ing, are the side-lights which he throws on many collateral 
questions, such as the comparative antiquity of Northern 
and Southern Buddhism, the dialect in which they were 
originally preached, the literary languages in which their 
doctrines were first embodied, and the curious develop- 
ments of Buddhist ritual which he discovered in Sivaite 
worship. Space constrains me to restrict my comments 
to a single one of them, his "Disputation respecting 
1 From pp. 45 to 145, Essays (1874 reprint). 


Caste." l It consists of a keenly argumentative attack by a 
Buddhist on the cardinal caste-doctrine of the Brahmans, 
and derives pungency from the fact that it assumes the truth 
of their sacred texts, and derives its weapons exclusively 
from them. Hodgson's private pandit, a Benares Brah- 
man, 2 who was associated with him in copying the original 
tract, soon broke away from the task, " full of indignation 
at the author and his work." With a cruel subtilty the 
Buddhist inquirer analyses all the possible causes of 
Brahmanhood, and proves each in turn to be untenable. 
The conclusion is skilfully conveyed in the answer given 
by a Vcdic sage of the highest authority to the question, 
" Whom do you call a Brahman, and what arc the signs 
of Brahmanhood ? " The reply is^ worth reproducing, for 
although Hodgson translated it half a century ago, the 
basis of morality underlying the whole Hindu system of 
caste is still imperfectly recognised by European, and espe- 
cially by missionary, critics of Brahmanism. 

" The first sign of a Brahman," replied the Vcdic sage, 3 
" is that he possesses long-suffering and the rest of the 
virtues, and never is guilty of violence and wrong-doing ; 
that he never eats flesh, and never hurts a sentient thing. 
The second sign is, that he never takes that which belongs 
to another without the owner's consent, even though he 
find it on the road. The third sign, that he masters all 
worldly affections and desires, and is absolutely indifferent 
to earthly considerations. The fourth, that whether he is 
born a man, or a god, or a beast, he never yields to sexual 
desires. The fifth, that he possesses the following five 

1 Hodgson's Essays t pp. 126-133 (1874 reprint). 

2 To be carefully distinguished from the great Nepalese pandit 
Amrita Nanda who brought to Hodgson the Buddhist treatise on 
Hindu caste in question. 

3 Vaisampayana, the original teacher or giver forth of the Black 
Yajur-Veda, and also, according to Hindu tradition, of the Hari-Vansa. 
He was a pupil of the great " Vyasa," the mythical " arranger" of the 
Mahabharata or perhaps of the equally mythical "Vyasa" of the 


pure qualities: truth, mercy, command of the senses, 
universal benevolence, and penance. 

"Whoever possesses these five signs of Brahmanhood 
I acknowledge to be a Brahman ; and, if he possess them 
not, he is a low caste. Brahmanhood depends not on 
race or birth, nor on the performance of certain ceremonies. 
If a man of low caste is virtuous, and possesses the signs 
above noted, he is a Brahman. Formerly, in this world 
of ours there was but one caste. The division into four 
castes originated with diversity of rites and of avocations. 
... If a low caste be superior to the allurements of the 
five senses, to give him charity is a virtue that will be 
rewarded in heaven. Heed not his caste ; but only mark 
his qualities." 1 Thus said the Brahman sage. 

The publication of Hodgson's first essays produced an 
extraordinary sensation in Europe. They came at a time 
when scholars had grown tired of polite speculations about 
Buddhism, and wanted to know what it really was. 
Burnouf hailed Hodgson's contribution of 1828 to the 
Bengal Asiatic Society s Journal as " full of entirely new 
ideas on the languages, literature, and religion of the 
Buddhists of Nepal and Tibet. This first essay already 
contained an exposition of the various philosophical schools 
of the Buddhism of that country which has never since then 
been surpassed or even equalled." 2 It "brought to light, 
among other important discoveries, the capital fact hitherto 
unknown that there existed large collections of Sanskrit 
manuscripts in the monasteries of Nepal," " the existence 
of which had never even been suspected before." With 
regard to the contribution of 1828 to the Royal Asiatic 
Society of Great Britain, Burnouf speaks in the warmest 
terms of the " disinterested zeal and perseverance " of the 

1 Essays on the Languages^ Literature, and Religion of Nepal and 
TVfcS, byB. H. Hodgson, pp. 132-3. Reprint : TrUbner, 1874. I have 
put Sanskrit terms into their English equivalents. 

1 Introduction a VHistoirc duBuddhisme Indicn (1876 Ed.), pp. 2, 3, 
from which also the following quotations are taken. 


author, and emphasises the new departure accomplished by 
his labours. Burnouf lays stress on Hodgson's discovery 
that the ancient Sanskrit scribes appended to their copies 
of manuscripts a list of the sacred books known to them. 
This discovery Hodgson utilised with admirable effect for 
collecting the whole cycle of the Buddhist texts in Nepal. 
" You have laid out in a manner equally courageous and 
complete," Burnouf wrote privately to Hodgson, "the 
ground-plan of the edifice of Buddhism." 1 The Asiatic 
Society of Paris set its official stamp on the value of 
Hodgson's first essays by conferring on him the rare dis- 
tinction of its honorary membership, and the gold medal 
already mentioned " A Monsieur Hodgson la Sociftc 
Asiatique recomiaissante? 

Burnouf s encomiums were published in 1844 ; they have 
been amply confirmed by later writers. Albrccht Weber 
declares that by Hodgson's essays of 1828 "a wholly new 
field was opened, and the philosophical doctrines of the 
Buddhists were for the first time elucidated from their old 
original texts. They presented to us a draught out of a 
full cup. From the point of view specially dealt with, and 
for knowledge of the four philosophic systems of the 
Nepalese Buddhists, those articles remain even after 
Burnoufs researches a unique source down to this day." 
Weber speaks with enthusiasm of "the fresh well-springs 
sparkling before our eyes " which Hodgson opened up. 
He expresses his astonishment and the general admiration 
of scholars at " the perfect clearness with which Hodgson 
unravelled so extremely intricate a web." What had until 
Hodgson's appearance on the scene been " so many riddles," 

1 Letter from Eugene Burnouf to Hodgson, dated August 28th, 1837. 
The Hodgson Private Papers contain several extremely interesting 
letters from Burnouf, Jaquet, and Jules Mohl, the Secretary of the 
Socit Asiatique de Paris. I have to thank Mrs. Brian Hodgson for 
the extreme lucidity with which these letters and other manuscript 
materials have been arranged. If the present volume should be so 
fortunate as to awaken an interest in the subject, I hope that a 
collection from the Hodgson Papers may be subsequently issued. 


guessed at from second-hand sources, were answered by 
Hodgson once and for all from the original texts. 1 

* Mr. Hodgson's illustrations of the literature and origin 
of the Buddhists," wrote Csoma de Kdros, the generous 
Hungarian scholar who stands out as the sole rival of 
Hodgson in the field of Himalayan research, "form a 
wonderful combination of knowledge on a new subject with 
the deepest philosophical speculations, and will astonish 
the people of Europe." 2 

If the debt of Continental scholarship to Hodgson was 
great, it is not too much to say that the original materials 
which he collected, and the conclusions which he derived 
from them, formed during half a century the basis of 
the study of Northern Buddhism in our own country. 3 
Mountstuart Elphinstonc records in his History of India 
that even his general "account of the Bauddha tenets is 
chiefly derived from the complete and distinct view of that 
religion given by Mr. Hodgson." 4 A specialist like General 
Sir Alexander Cunningham 5 wrote to Hodgson, " I found 
in your work the only clear and intelligible account of 
Buddhism." The Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, 
in its memoir of Hodgson after his death in 1894, sums 
up his services in a sentence borrowed from The Times 
obituary : " To him the world still owes the materials for 
a knowledge of the great proselytising faith which was the 
one civilising influence in Central Asia." 

Hodgson had quite unconsciously achieved a masterpiece 
of research. He tells us somewhat pathetically that until 

1 Condensed from Albrecht Weber's remarkable article in the 
Ltterarisches Centralblatt^ No. 27, April 24th, 1875. I thank Professor 
Thomas Miller, formerly of GOttingen, now of Strasburg, for a transla- 
tion of this article which he kindly forwarded to me. 

* Csoma de Kdros in the Bengal A static Society's Journal, July 1842. 
8 I do not of course include the Chinese or Japanese Buddhism of 

the Far East, nor the Southern Buddhism of Burma and Ceylon. 

* History of India, by the Honourable Mountstuart Elphinstone. 
Footnote 53, p. 114. Ed. 1874. 

* Afterwards Director-General of the Archaeological Survey in India. 
Letter to Hodgson, dated Gwalior, April i$th, 1851 


after the publication of his first essays " he had never seen 
one line of 1 ' "any Continental writer's lucubrations on 
Buddhism." But in his researches, as throughout his 
official career, he converted his very disadvantages into 
elements of greatness ; and his isolation gave to his views 
that stamp of originality which is the highest form of 
genius in scholarship. Needless to say that such origi- 
nality gave rise to some controversy in Europe. His first 
critic was Abel Remusat. But Remusat, although a dis- 
tinguished Sinologist, editor of \^ Journal dcs Savants, and 
the founder and first secretary of the Paris Asiatic Society, 
had the old imperfect knowledge of Buddhism derived 
from secondary texts and Chinese or Mongolian transla- 
tions. Dying in 1832, before he had time to grasp the 
full significance of Hodgson's discoveries, his criticisms 
only served to mark the vast striHe which Hodgson's work 
rendered possible in Buddhist research. " In dealing with 
Abel Remusat," says Weber briefly, " Hodgson had an 
easy task." 

Another and more prolonged controversy arose with 
Turnour, the representative of the Southern or Pali school 
of Buddhism. This controversy bifurcated into two sets 
of conflicting theories. In the first of them, that Buddhism 
issued out of ancient forms of the Brahmanical faith and 
to a certain extent in hostility to Brahman institutions, 
Hodgson was correct. 1 In his second theory, which claimed 
for the Sanskrit texts of Northern Buddhism priority 
over the Pali sacred writings at least in the region of 
philosophic doctrine, Hodgson went too far. He himself, 
with characteristic honesty, afterwards recognised " that 
the honours of Ccylonesc literature and of the Pali language 
are no longer disputable." - " But," writes Albrecht Weber 
in summing up the discussion, "if Hodgson went at first 

1 1 confine myself to Weber's broad dictum, without referring to the 
nicer modifications rendered necessary by recent results of scholarship. 

3 Postscript to dissertation on " The Pravrajya Vratra," Essays. 
p. 145 


too far, his grounds almost throughout were perfectly 
reasonable, and it is still a great treat to read the papers 
connected with this controversy a controversy which at 
the time mightily stirred the friends and representatives 
of Indian studies." 1 In the little temporary controversy 
between the friends of Hodgson and Csoma dc KOrfls as to 
the dates of their work, Burnouf assigned to Hodgson the 
honours of priority. But, as we now know, the two solitary 
workers were both making similar discoveries in far 
separated regions of the Himalayas, unknown to each 
other, during the very same years. 2 

Since Hodgson's time there have been several students 
of the first class in the field of Northern Buddhism in its 
wider sense, as including the Buddhism of all Central Asia, 
China, and Japan. The indefatigable patience of Samuel 
Beal, the scholarly grasp of the American diplomatist 
Woodville Rockhill, the fine touch of Cecil Bendall, and 
the minute local scrutiny of Austine Waddell, to mention 
only a few of those best known in this country, 3 have 
carried Buddhist research into regions into which Hodgson 
did not penetrate. But by the common consent of these 
scholars their work started from the basis supplied by 
Hodgson, and, while amplifying, have not superseded it. 

His work fails of course in several respects to fulfil 
the punctilious demands of modern scholarship. The 
accounts of the original texts which he discovered were 
derived from a number of separate pandits, and they do 
not always harmonise. Nor did he realise the necessity 

1 Literarisches Centralblatt, No. 17, April 24th, 1875. Burnoufs 
earlier views may be studied in Section VII. of his Histoire du Bud- 
dhisme Indicn, pp. 512-524, particularly 517, 2nd Ed. 

* Burnouf, ut supra, pp. 6, 7. The letters of Csoma de Koros, 
published in Dr. Duka's Life, prove that the discoveries of the two 
Himalayan scholars were contemporaneous, although Hodgson had the 
good fortune to communicate his first to the world. 

8 But not forgetting Jaeschke the Danish missionary, I. J, Schmidt 
the St. Petersburg lexicographer, the German brothers Schlangint- 
weit, that unwearied Indian worker Sarat Chandra Das, and the Bengal 
paleographer Rajendra Lala Mitra. 


for that exactitude in quotation which is now rigorously 
enforced from bibliographers. Even when Sanskrit 
authorities are cited, the chapter and stanza are seldom 
indicated. Further stumbling-blocks arise from references 
to sections of texts without giving the name of the whole 
work. The explanation is that Hodgson laboured in 
solitude and to satisfy his own craving for research, un- 
acquainted with the rules of the European technique of 
his study, and calmly unconscious of the little annoyances 
which that unacquaintance might cause to Western 
scholars. His methods of quotation must be regarded as 
memorise technics for his own well-stored mind, rather than 
as an example for imitation by other students. 

But the most exacting of European scholars have been 
the most ready to acknowledge the slightness of these de- 
fects compared with the magnitude of the work achieved. 
The rooms containing the Hodgson manuscripts in the 
great public libraries of India, England, and France still 
form places of pilgrimage for the modern students of 
Buddhism. " You may be sure," wrote Albrecht Wcbcr to 
Hodgson 1 in referring to " the path you have opened," 
" that its importance will be more and more acknowledged 
every year. This summer that splendid collection of 
pictorial, sculptural, and architectural illustrations which 
you presented to the Institute of France in memory of the 
illustrious scholar Eugene Burnouf, will form the object 
of a visit to Paris of a scholar most eminently qualified to 
make a right use of it, I mean A. Schiefncr, a member of 
the Imperial Academy of St. Petersburg." The same 
scholarly pilgrimages go on to this hour. When the 
brilliant palaeographer of the Cambridge University 
and the British Museum, Mr. Cecil Bendall, made his 
journey to Northern India in 1885, the Hodgson col- 
lection at Calcutta was almost the first shrine which he 

1 Letter from Professor Albrecht Weber to B. H. Hodgson, dated 
April 24th, 1860. 


It would be difficult to name a modern expert more 
careful to avoid undue praise than Professor Bendall. 
Before starting on his archaeological travels, he repaired to 
Mr. Hodgson in his Gloucestershire retirement for inspira- 
tion and counsel. He has now favoured me with his final 
views on the man whom he publicly described as "the 
greatest and least thanked of our Indian Residents." * In 
spite of palaeographic imperfections, which Professor 
Bendall is strict to mark, he declares that Hodgson's works 
" form the most important contribution to the bibliography 
of the literature" of Buddhism. 2 He points out that 
masses of the original materials collected by Hodgson are 
still unutilised, and expresses a conviction that, as more of 
his manuscripts come to be published, the details furnished 
in even the earliest essays of Hodgson will prove valuable 
" in deciphering the often difficult texts." 

I have cited Professor Bendall because, sooner or later, 
a man's place in scholarship must depend on the verdict 
of specialists. But Hodgson's work was many-sided, and 
while one set of modern students have been specialising 
in the bibliographical branch of his labours, another set 
have also been specialising in his local and antiquarian 
researches. Hodgson supplied the original materials for 
both. Among local experts who have followed on Hodg- 
son's foot-tracks, Mr. Austine Waddell holds a unique 
position. He is the first European who, with a scientific 
training and equipped with the resources of modern scholar- 
ship, has penetrated the esoteric Buddhism of Tibet. He 
broke through the reserve of the priests by himself 
purchasing a Lamaist temple in full working order, and 
carrying on its daily ritual at his own cost. The officiants 
conceived the idea that he must be a reflex of the Western 

1 A Journey of Literary and Archaeological Research in Nepal and 
Northern /*wf/<z (1884 1885), by Cecil Bendall, M.A., Fellow of Gonville 
aud Caius College, Cambridge, and Professor of Sanskrit in University 
College, London, p. n. Cambridge University Press, 1886. 

a MS. "Note on Mr. B. H. Hodgson's Essays," forwarded to me 
by Professor Bendall, October 1894. 


Buddha, Amitabha himself, and so "overcame their con- 
scientious scruples and imparted information freely." l 

Mr. Austine Waddell gratefully recognises Hodgson 
as "the father of modern critical study of Buddhist 
doctrine." 2 Before starting afresh for Irdia in 1895. Mr. 
Waddell heard that I was engaged on a Life of Hodgson 
and wrote to me as follows : 3 "A somewhat intimate 
acquaintance with the south-west frontiers of Tibet brought 
me into contact with the almost encyclopaedic scientific 
work which had been performed there by Mr. Hodgson, 
and more detailed examination deepened the sense of our 
indebtedness to him. His Buddhist researches mark a 
distinct epoch in the advance of our knowledge of this 
many-sided system 1 1 is masterlv inquiries furnished a 
vast array of new facts which di- j[oscd the true structure 
and developments of the faith, and soon dissipated the 
fantastic theories prevalent in Europe which had till then 
done duty for original investigation. With admirable skill 
he struck the keynote to the study of Indian Buddhism. 
This may be heard even in his earliest papers. And the 
salient points which he singled out still serve as stepping 
stones across many a dreary waste of Indian history. 

" Of scarcely less importance arc his detailed studies of 
specific dogmas and developments. Many of these, belong- 
ing to Ncpalesc Buddhism, remain our only authorities 
on the subject. So very full, indeed, arc his writings that 
several of the so-called discoveries of later scholars arc 
to be found in his condensed text or teeming footnotes." 

To these appreciations by the two great living experts, 
the one on the bibliographical and the other on the his- 
torical and philosophical sides of Hodgson's Buddhist 
work, it would be rash for a biographer to add a single 

1 The Buddhism of Tibet or Lamatsm, by L. Austine Waddell 
M.B. Preface, p. ix. Allen & Co., 1895. * Idem., p. xu. 

3 Under date February i ith, 1895. Space restricts me to a few 
extracts from Mr. Austine Waddell's communication. 

[28 4 ] 



T T ODGSON'S work among the Sanskrit texts and his 
11 collaboration with Sanskrit pandits brought him to 
the core of the Aryan civilisation of India. To whatever 
race Buddha belonged, there can be no question that 
Buddhism developed into the national religion of India 
under Aryan influences, and that its original Scriptures 
were written in one form or other of Aryan speech. But 
the Aryans in India, as in Europe, form only a top-dressing 
to thick layers of earlier races. Those remnants of primi- 
tive humanity have in Europe been almost crushed out of 
sight by the superincumbent mass, or were amalgamated 
with it. In India they may be studied as distinct types 
of man. 

The mountains which wall out the Indian peninsula 
from Asia, and the dense forests of the table-land and 
ranges in the heart of India itself, furnished asylums for 
these human survivals of a prehistoric age. India thus 
forms a vast museum of races of races not in a fossil 
state, but warm and breathing, living apart in their own 
communities, amid a world of suggestive links with a 
past that has elsewhere disappeared. The aboriginal 
peoples of India have, as it were, been hidden away in hill- 
caves, until the great ethnical movements subsided beneath 
which they would otherwise have been buried. 

The outer ranges of the Himalayas, amid which Hodgson 
passed his whole Indian career, supply an unrivalled field 
for the study of such tribes. In this branch of knowledge 
also Hodgson found himself a pioneer. The English have 


studied, and they understand, the Aryan populations of 
India as no conquerors ever studied or understood a sub- 
ject race. The East India Company grudged neither 
honours nor solid rewards to any meritorious effort to 
illustrate the people whom it ruled. Those efforts led to 
a series of discoveries which rolled back the horizon of 
human knowledge. They proved that the higher races 
of India derive their civilisation from that Aryan or noble 
stock which has radiated to Europe, America, and Austral- 
asia, and which is now almost co-extensive with civilised 

At an early period it became known that another element 
had entered into the composition of the Indian people ; 
but an ignoble element, destitute of literature, and, for the 
most part, now huddled away in f jrests fatal to European 
life. The very lustre of the Aryan discoveries threw the 
non- Aryan peoples of India into a deeper shade. Practical 
usefulness and the gloss of fashion were for once on the 
same side. Indian scholars crowded into a field in which 
every honest seeker might hope to find ore, and kept aloof 
from a study in which they could look for little sympathy 
and from which they expected small results. 

To this neglected study of the non-Aryan races of India 
Hodgson devoted himself in the full maturity of his powers. 
His Buddhistic researches and his marvellous collections 
of Sanskrit manuscripts formed the work of the earlier 
portion of his career in Nepal. The essays on the abori- 
gines of India were chiefly issued during his thirteen years 1 
retirement in Darjiling(i845 1858), freed from the burdens 
of official life. These ethnological contributions to learned 
societies greatly exceed in number and bulk his Buddhistic 
essays. They occupy nearly a half of the volume of his 
collected works issued in 1874, the whole of one volume 
issued in 1880, and the greater part of the other volume 
published in the same year. With some European scholars, 
indeed, Hodgson's ethnological work ranked as the chief 
service which he rendered to the world. Latham, Schleichcr, 


Lassen, Max Miiller, Professor Owen, Dr. Barnard Davis, 
and others welcomed his discoveries as a new revelation. 
He thus for a second time stepped forward in the enviable 
position of a man who has new knowledge to impart to the 
world. The admiration which he enjoyed from Aryan 
scholars in Europe during the thirties, he again won from 
non-Aryan scholars during the fifties. In 1854 Bunsen 
declared him to be " our highest living authority and best 
informant on the ethnology of the native races of India." 

Hodgson approached this part of his life's work by 
deliberate advances. He first made a complete study 
of the habitat of the Himalayan aboriginal tribes. His 
essay "On the Physical Geography of the Himalaya" 
appeared in the Journal of t/ie Asiatic Society of Bengal 
in 1849, and was reprinted by the Bengal Government as 
a State Paper in 1857. It attracted the attention of Baron 
von Humboldt, who wrote of Hodgson in high terms to the 
President of the Bengal Asiatic Society. 1 Hodgson's very 
first page arrests the attention of the reader. " I had been 
for several years a traveller in the Himalayas, before 1 could 
get rid of that tyranny of the senses which so strongly 
impresses all beholders of this stupendous scenery with the 
conviction that the mighty maze is quite without a plan. 
My first step towards freedom from this overpowering 
obtrusiVencss of impressions of sense was obtained by 
steady attention to the fact that the vast volume of the 
Himalayan waters flows more or less at right angles to the 
general direction of the Himalaya, but so that the number- 
less streams of the mountains are directed into a few grand 
rivers of the plains." 

Hodgson then relates how he began to investigate the 
phenomena of the convergence of these innumerable trans- 
verse streams. His final step was achieved when he 
brought into causal relation the angles of the outer ranges 
and inner snowy peaks with the radiating points of the 

1 Baron von Humboldt to Sir J. Colvile, President of the Bengal 
Asiatic Society, March 1855. 


feeders of each great river. These ideas had occurred to 
him many years before in Nepal, but it was during his 
retirement in Darjiling that he worked them into a 
complete system. Sir Joseph Hooker, who had the oppor- 
tunity of testing Hodgson's facts by observations of his own 
on the spot, thus formulates Hodgson's results. 1 From the 
central axis of the Himalayas a succession of secondary 
chains take their origin, separating the great rivers which 
flow into the plains of India. " Here also," wrote Max 
Mlillcr in Bunscn's Philosophy of Universal History? 
" we owe much to Hodgson's genius. His map of the 
natural divisions of the Himalaya is in truth a grammairc 
raisonnte of this irregular mountain-utterance " five peaks 
constituting four river basins, and three transverse climatic 

Hodgson had also the good fortune to supply materials 
for the solution of the river problems of Northern India 
itself. It is known that the three mighty river systems of 
the Indus, the Sutlcj, and the Brahmaputra take their rise 
near to each other, not on the Indian side of the Hima- 
layas but on the northern or Tibetan side. During the 
first eight hundred miles of their course the Indus and 
Brahmaputra are essentially rivers of Central Asia, with 
the vast ranges of the Himalayas between them and India. 
But while thus rising on opposite sides of the same sacred 
mountain, the Indus turns westward and forces a passage 
through the Western Himalayas into the Punjab, and so 
eventually to the Arabian Sea. The Brahmaputra, on the 
other hand, turns eastward from its source, and eventually 
bursts through a gorge of the Eastern Himalayas into 
Assam, and so reaches the Bay of Bengal on the opposite 
side of India. 

Its course of eight hundred miles along the Tibetan or 
Central Asian trough on the north of the Himalayas stil) 

1 Hooker and Thompson's Flora Indica,Vo\. I., pp. 167-185: con- 
densed too much for inverted commas. 
* Vol. I., 359. Ed. 1854. [Vol. III. of Christianity and Mankind.} 


remained unexplored when Hodgson wrote. It was only 
known that a great river called the Sanpu flowed eastwards 
along the Central Asian trough, while a great river called 
the Brahmaputra burst through the Eastern Himalayas into 
Assam. Indications that these two rivers formed different 
sections of the same stream were not wanting. But they 
were not complete. Hodgson's inferences while in Nepal, 
and the geographical details which he supplied, raised 
these indications almost into proof. The evidences of the 
Sanpu and the Brahmaputra being one and the same river, 
wrote Pemberton in 1 839, " are greatly strengthened by Mr. 
Hodgson's MS. map forwarded to the Surveyor-General. I 
consider this so satisfactory that nothing but ocular demon- 
stration to the contrary could now shake my conviction." 1 
Hodgson thus based his study of the aboriginal tribes 
of the Himalayas upon the foundation of their physical 
surroundings. But as we shall see he was also a zoologist, 
and he did not overlook the important data supplied by 
the anatomical structure of the tribes themselves. After 
long and patient labour he collected the materials for the 
study of that structure, and especially for the craniology of 
the aboriginal races. With his usual generosity he placed 
his materials, including one hundred carefully verified 
skulls, at the disposal of European men of science. " Mr. 
Hodgson early felt," says Dr. Barnard Davis, the learned 
author of the Crania Britannica, " that the most interesting 
object of natural history is man himself, and he devoted 
his unremitting attention to the study of the many curious 
tribes with whom his long residence in India brought him 
in contact." 2 "In European museums these crania are 
very rare," wrote Sir F. Mowat, " owing to the difficulty 
of procuring them amongst races practising cremation." 3 
Professor Owen, then and perhaps still the greatest master 

1 Pemberton's Report on Bhutan, 1839. 

3 Paper read by Dr. Barnard Davis before the British Association, 
May 1863. 
3 Paper read before the Ethnological Society in 1867. 


of ethnological anatomy whom the world has seen, reported 
in grateful terms on the collection which Mr. Hodgson 
supplied. 1 Anthropometric measurements of non-Aryan 
types of man form a valuable feature of his essays. The 
Ethnological Society elected him an Honorary Fellow, 
then a rare distinction Darwin, Layard, and Rawlinson 
being at that time, I am informed, almost the only other 
Englishmen thus honoured by the Society. 

The physical structure of the Himalayan aborigines, and 
the geographical conditions amid which they lived, formed, 
however, only the basis of Hodgson's ethnological work. 
He recognised that, apart from all written records, man 
creates his own history in his customs, his religion, and 
his speech. We shall presently see how he applied this 
principle to a comprehensive study of the whole aborigines 
of India. But Hodgson was essentially a worker who 
built up from the facts around him. Before entering on 
the more general aspects of his ethnographical studies, I 
propose to summarise one of his earliest papers on three 
tribes who came within his immediate observation in the 
Sub-Himalayan tracts. 

Hodgson's essay "On the Kocch, Bodo, and Dhimal 
Tribes" was published in Calcutta in 1847, and forms the 
first half of one of the volumes of his collected works 
issued in 1880. Latham, the leading British ethnologist 
of the middle of this century, pronounced it to be " a model 
of an ethnological monograph." 2 Its structure is simple 
almost to sternness. Disdaining a word of introduction, it 
starts with the vocabularies which Hodgson had for the 
first time collected among the hill races. It then evolves, 
also for the first time, a grammar of their speech. Finally, 
it sets forth in a learned disquisition the origin, location, 
numbers, religion, customs, character, and condition of the 

The vocabulary was constructed by Hodgson upon a 

1 Report of Professor Owen to the British Association, May 1863. 
* Ethnology of the British Colonies, p. 114. 



plan which he believed would illustrate not only the origin 
of the tribes, but also the stages of mental and moral 
development through which they had passed. He secures 
his first aim by a complete list of terms for the simple 
natural objects and conceptions which form the common 
property of primitive races, and by which he afterwards 
traced back their relationship to other prehistoric peoples 
using allied words. He effects his second purpose, and 
arrives at a clear view of the stage of development that 
the tribes had reached, by a collection of terms dealing 
with the employments, appliances, and concepts of rising 
grades of civilisation. 

His dictionary of the speech of these three tribes occupies 
seventy-one closely printed pages. It starts with names 
of things and beings : the terms connected with the earth, 
water, air, fire, and their products. The parts of the human 
body are exhaustively enumerated in the three languages, 
followed by terms for the appetites, affections, and various 
kinds of food. The higher physical wants of man are 
exhibited by the words for his dress, ornaments, and 
games. The vocabulary then enters into the terms deal- 
ing with animal life, quadrupeds, birds, reptiles, fish, and 
insects. The vegetable creation is next passed under 
review. A long and careful list supplies the words in 
the three languages for grains, fibres, oils, greens, tubers, 
spices, dyes, drugs, trees, and fruits, together with the 
various parts of plant structure. 

Having thus furnished the words common to primitive 
races and susceptible of linguistic comparison with other 
branches of the same stock, Hodgson entered on the pro- 
cess of differentiation by means of lists of words dealing 
with the more advanced stages of human progress. He 
collected a complete dictionary of the natural and political 
tics of the family and the race. The names of occupations 
follow, from those of the primeval hunter, herdsman, and 
fisherman, through the builder and metal-worker up to the 
lawyer, finance minister, banker, and bankrupt. The two 


last terms were only found in one of the three languages. 
In a similar way the more abstract forms of nouns are 
exhibited, together with copious lists of words illustrative 
of trade, religion, learning, literature, and the fine arts. 
The particles, pronouns, adjectives, and verbs are then 
set forth upon a carefully thought out system and in full 

Hodgson notes several unexpected phenomena in the 
vocabularies of these tribes. " What can be more striking, 
for example," he says, " than * agriculture ' being expressed 
by the term ' felling ' or * clearing the forest ' ; than the 
total absence of any term for 'village/ for * plough/ for 
'horse/ for * money/ of any kind ; for nearly every opera- 
tion of the intellect or will, whether virtuous or vicious ; 
and lastly, for almost every abstract idea, whether material 
or immaterial." ' 

The second part of the essay is devoted to the grammar 
of two of the tribes, the Bodos and Dhimals. The original 
structure of the language of the Kocch had been so com- 
pletely overlaid by Aryan forms that it was merged into 
a corrupt Bengali. Few pieces of philological work have 
more human interest than this effort to compel a living 
speech never before reduced to writing to yield up its 
structural laws. Hodgson starts by inventing an ortho- 
graphy for the two languages, neither of which " possesses, 
nor ever did possess, any alphabet or books." '- The gram- 
matical forms of substantives, their genders, cases, and 
numbers, arc carefully explained. The adjective [,is then 
dealt with, followed by the various classes of pronouns, 
the system of numeration, and the verb. As one of the 
many curious facts brought to light, Hodgson points out 
that the cardinal numbers extend to only seven in Bodo 
and to ten in Dhimal. For higher quantities the tribes 
had to import terms from the Indian plains. 

The grammar concludes with comments upon the multi- 

J Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I., p. 103. Tnibncr, 1880. 
) p. 72. 


tude of languages among the Himalayan tribes, or of 
dialects not mutually intelligible. After a catalogue of 
such dialects within a comparatively small area, Hodgson 
remarks : " What a wonderful superfluity of speech, and 
what a demonstration of the impediments to general inter- 
course characterising the earlier stages of our social pro- 
gression. How far these languages, though now mutually 
unintelligible to those who use them, be really distinct ; 
how far any common link may exist between them and 
the rest of the aboriginal tongues of India so as to justify 
the application of the single name Tamulian to them all 
are questions which I hope to supply large means of 
answering, when I have gone through the hill and Tarai 
tongues of this frontier." * We shall presently see how 
thoroughly Hodgson carried out this project. 

Having reduced the unwritten speech of the tribes to 
a written language and set forth its structure and com- 
ponent parts, Hodgson devotes the third section of his 
essay to a systematic survey of their customs, status, and 
religion. For while he clearly understood the value of 
words and grammatical forms, as the revealers of the 
ethnical affinities and social transitions of the race, he 
understood not less clearly the evidence which can be 
derived from their traditions, habits, and creeds. " The 
condition or status of the Bodo and Dhimal people," he 
says, " is that of erratic cultivators of the wilds. For ages 
transcending memory or tradition, they have passed 
beyond the savage or hunter state and the nomadic or 
herdsman's estate, and have advanced to the third or 
agricultural grade of social progress, but so as to indicate 
a not entirely broken connection with the precedent con- 
dition of things. For, though cultivators all and ex- 
clusively, they are nomadic cultivators so little connected 
with any one spot that neither the Bodo nor Dhimal 
language possesses a name for village." 3 

1 Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I., p. 103. Trttbner, 1880. 
p. 117. 


The practice of nomadic cultivation Hodgson found 
to be characteristic of many non-Aryan races scattered 
throughout India. To him indeed we owe the first accu- 
rate study of this curious link between the hunting or 
pastoral stage and that of settled agriculture. An*a in 
annos mutant et supercst ager. The Himalayan tribes 
whom Hodgson first observed do not cultivate the same 
field or remain in the same collection of huts beyond the 
fourth or sixth year. After the jungle has grown again 
they sooner or later work back to their former clearings, 
burn down the forest afresh, and again laise crops for 
a few years from the thus richly fertilised soil. 

As no permanent rights grow up there is no possibility 
of raising a continuous rent. They accordingly pay tribute 
to the local Rajas by a capitation tax of so many rupees 
for each household ; or by a corvee of forced labour ; or by 
an annual payment of one rupee per " agricultural imple- 
ment." The term " agricultural implement " really repre- 
sents " as much land as they can cultivate therewith," for 
there is no land measure. They reckon that they can raise 
thirty or forty rupees' worth of produce with one imple- 
ment, so that the impost of one rupee on it forms but a 
light land-tax. " There is no separate calling of herdsman 
or shepherd, or tradesman or shopkeeper, or manufacturer 
or handicraft, alien or native, in these primitive societies 
which admit no strangers among them, though they live 
on perfectly amicable terms with their neighbours, and 
thus can always procure, by purchase or barter, the very 
few things which they require and do not produce them- 
selves." l 

Hodgson thus marked out in bold and simple lines the 
four great differences between the status of the non-Aryan 
races in the Indian hill countries and that of the Aryan 
dwellers on the plains. Their nomadic tillage and migra- 
tory hamlets stand forth in contrast with the settled 
agriculture and permanent villages of the Aryan low- 
1 Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I., p. 119. Ed 1880. 


landers. Their taxation on the basis of the household or 
of the agricultural implement contrasts with the universal 
land-tax of the Indo-Aryan pale. The absence of any 
differentiation of employment equally contrasts them with 
the strict subdivision of labour on which the Aryan caste 
system in India is to a large extent based. Even more 
important is the non-admittance of strangers among them 
compared with the helot craftsmen such as low-caste potters, 
leather-workers, barbers, and village menials whom the 
Aryans throughout India incorporated as the substratum 
of their social organisation. 

The non-Aryan hillmcn whom Hodgson first studied 
had neither servants nor 'slaves nor aliens of any kind 
among them. A perfect equality prevailed under the 
elected or semi-hereditary head of the hamlet. They 
do not marry beyond the limits of their own people. 
"Chastity is prized in man and woman, married and un- 
married." Although divorce is simple it is seldom resorted 
to. The wife has freedom of movement and on the whole is 
well treated. Female infanticide is unknown. " Daughters, 
on the contrary, are cherished and deemed a source of 
wealth, not poverty ; for every man must buy his wife 
with coin or labour, and it is very seldom that the price 
comes to be redemanded by the wronged and unfor- 
giving husband. There is no bar to remarriage, and 
widow-burning is a rite held in abhorrence." l The Bodos 
and Dhimals bury their dead with simple yet decent 
reverence, instead of adopting the Hindu custom of cre- 
mation. But fixed graveyards or permanent tombs are 
precluded by their migratory habits. 

Having thus described the social status of the non- 
Aryan tribes, Hodgson proceeds to examine the ties of 
blood and customary law which bind together their com- 
munities. He then enters at very great length into their 
religion, or rather into their rites and festivals, and the 
attributes of the numerous deities who make up their 
1 Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. I., p. 123. Ed. 1880. 


pantheon. "Language and mythology," he wrote on his 
title-page, " constitute the internal, true, and only history 
of primitive races, and are by far the best exponents of 
their real condition as thinking and acting beings." This 
thought he expresses again and again, and some of his 
most interesting work is merely an expansion of it. 
Space precludes me, however, from entering on the 
complex questions to which it gives rise. I must con- 
fine myself to the remark that for the first time the 
materials were brought together for an intelligent study 
of the gods many and rites still more numerous which 
make up the religion of the non-Aryan tribes in the 

It is not surprising that such an essay, bearing on every 
page the stamp of original rose irch, should have attracted 
attention from scholars both in India and Europe. Dr. 
Latham referred with admiration to its " bold yet cautious 
criticism and varied observation." l " I have again and 
again ransacked the Asiatic Researches and other 
authorities for information on the ancient history of 
Bengal," 2 wrote a more exacting specialist, Mr. Logan, 
" but 1 am convinced that in India history must be 
the slight superstructure and ethnology the solid basis. 
Hodgson will do more to clear away the rubbish and to 
restore the lost annals of the Gangctic valley than Lassen 
with all his erudition and talent for historic research." 
Lassen himself was a student of Hodgson's work and ex- 
pressed his " high sense of admiration " for the services 
which Hodgson had rendered. 3 

But while Hodgson thus started, as was his wont, from 
the facts immediately under his observation, he discerned 
that they were capable of wide uses. He conceived the 
idea of a complete and systematic survey of the whole 

1 Varieties of Man, preface, p. S. 

3 Journal of the Indian Archipelago for January and February 1854. 
3 Letter from Professor Chr. Lassen to B. H. Hodgson, dated 
November 2oth, 1860. 


non-Aryan races in India, with a view to working out 
their mutual affinities and of fixing their position among 
the great families of mankind. He accordingly solicited 
the aid of fellow-workers throughout every province of 
India in which the non-Aryan tribes still maintained their 

His essay on the Kocch, Bodo, and Dhimal served as 
a model for the facts which he sought to obtain in regard 
to each one of the far-scattered tribes. Finding, however, 
that that model involved a minute study and a continuity 
of research beyond the possibilities of Indian officials 
burdened with the daily duties of administration, he wisely 
curtailed his demands. He issued a shorter vocabulary of 
words for which the equivalents were to be obtained in 
every non- Aryan language in India. " So powerful a 
stimulus and so successful an example," 1 to use the words 
of Professor Max Miiller, created a whole school of fellow- 
labourers in this field of research, and the most distin- 
guished members of that school have recorded the inspiration 
under which they worked. 

" My investigations," wrote Laidlaw, the great student of 
the Karen tongue, " were originally undertaken to assist, 
however humbly, those researches on the aborigines of 
our own and the neighbouring countries which Mr. 
Hodgson is prosecuting with such admirable zeal and 
success." 2 Hodgson's list of words was adopted as a 
standard not only by private scholars, but by scientific 
departments of the Government of India. " The following 
vocabulary," observes Dr. Oldham, founder of the syste- 
matic geology of India, " is framed upon that given by 
Mr. Hodgson, and by him applied to so many Indian races 
and borderers." 3 

1 Bunsen's Philosophy of Universal History applied to language and 
religion, I. 353. Ed. 1854. 

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Part I., 1854. 

3 On the Geological Structure of the Khasi Hills, with Observations 
on the Meteorology and Ethnology of that District. Quarto. Calcutta, 


With unwearied patience Hodgson worked up the results 
thus obtained by himself and others. I have said that 
his ethnological papers form by far the largest part of his 
collected works. Indeed they would of themselves suffice 
for the sole labour of an industrious life. Their main result 
was to explore the ethnical affinities of the non-Aryan 
races in India, and to establish the common origin of 
many of these widely dispersed remnants of primeval man. 
He classed them as the Tamulian family of the colossal 
Turanian division of the human race. Some of his con- 
clusions went too far. Some have been modified by 
the light of more recent research. With him philology 
was the handmaid of ethnology, and Turanian philology 
was then in its infancy. He was aware of the insufficiency 
of his standard list of words, the objections which 
might be raised alike to its contents and to their arrange- 
ment 1 But those who have brought the most complete 
knowledge to the scrutiny of his work are the most 
appreciative of its merits. 

To Professor Conrady I am indebted for a manuscript 
review extending over thirty-six pages, and dealing ex- 
haustively with what Hodgson accomplished and with the 
points in which he fell short of success. A striking feature 
of this monograph, as of those kindly furnished to me by 
Professor Bendall and Dr. Austinc Waddcll on Hodgson's 
Buddhist researches, is the personal warmth of affection 
which they express to a man whose work was done nearly 
half a century ago. " Gratitude is due to him from all 
who, like myself," Professor Conrady writes to me, "are 
labourers in the field of Indo-Chinese comparative 
philology. Other branches of Indian learning may praise 
him for the untiring activity which has opened many new 
fields of labour ; but Indo-Chinese philology must honour 

1 He took as its contracted basis the collection of words which Dr. 
Brown (the learned author of Grammatical Notices of the Assamese 
Language^ printed at Sibsagar in 1848) had adopted for the dialects of 
Further India. 


in him a past master, I might even say its real founder. 
He was the bold pioneer who not only gathered in rich 
linguistic materials from regions hitherto scarcely known 
by name, but who also sifted the chaotic mass, and with 
a creative hand combined it into a family of many 

He showed that the languages of Further India and of 
the Himalaya and Tibet (whose relationship he had 
intuitively divined as far back as 1827) formed with 
Chinese one closely related family. He maintained that 
the monosyllabic, the isolating, and polysyllabic agglu- 
tinating languages differed only in their degree of 
development and not essentially. He was the first 
discoverer of a connection between the tone accents 
and the auxiliaries. His proofs of a Turanian unity of 
language by a simple comparison of lists of words cannot 
hold its ground, and although he studied profoundly the 
grammatical structure of the languages, his materials in 
some cases fell short of scientific proof. Yet his materials 
led him also to brilliant discoveries in structure by which it 
has been established that the Indo-Chinese languages are 
based upon an original agglutinating form, such as is still 
possessed in rich varieties of development by the Ural- 
Altaic, Dravidian, and Kolarian tongues. 1 

Science does not forget the pathfinder. Professor 
Conrady thus concludes : " What is still more admirable 
than the glance of genius over spaces yet unsurveyed is 
the unselfish search after truth. I cannot, therefore, better 
close my review than with some words of Hodgson himself 
words characteristic of his plan of work and of the 
strenuous fidelity of the worker : * I trust that the whole 
tenour and substance of my essay on the Kocch, etc., will 
suffice to assure all candid persons that I am no advocate 
for sweeping conclusions from insufficient premisses ; and 

1 The foregoing statements are condensed from Professor Conrady's 
elaborate MS. note, which will, I hope, be published hereafter in its 
complete German form. 


that I desire to see the ethnology of India conducted 
upon the most extended scale, with careful weighing of 
every available item of evidence that is calculated to 
demonstrate the unity or otherwise of the Tamulian 
race/ " l 

Each honest worker adds something, more or less, to the 
sum of knowledge. But the more of yesterday dwindles 
into the less of to-day, and the discoveries of one genera- 
tion become the axioms of the next. The spirit abidcth. 
At the end of this biography \\ill be found a sufficient 
list of Hodgson's writings 2 some two hundred erudite 
papers, four books, nnd three volumes of Collected Essays. 
It was a vast contribution from a single worker to human 
learning. Yet it is not the bulk of Hodgson's writings 
that makes the strongest impression on one who, like 
myself, has examined them as a whole. It is rather the 
original character of the materials which they furnish 
and of the sources whence they were drawn. There is, 
moreover, about them a quality which exercises a more 
enduring influence upon generous students of succeeding 
times than originality itself. It is the personality of the 
man. Everywhere we are struck by what Professor 
Conrady calls " the glance of genius " ; by the freshness of 
a powerful intelligence ; and by that single-minded search 
after truth which, even more than the quest of knowledge, 
forms the highest quality of a great investigator. 

To Hodgson the Himalayan borders and their dwellers 
were not merely subjects for abstract research. He saw in 
those cool uplands a possible field for European colonisa- 
tion which might become a new source of strength to the 
British Empire in India. This view he had early formed, 
and it grew upon him during his long retirement at 
Darjiling. In 1856 he urged it with so much force that 
the Bengal Government reprinted his paper as the first of 

1 Last paragraph of Dr. Conrady's MS. monograph. I thank Pro- 
fessor T. Miller of Strasburg for his kind aid in the translation of 
Dr. Conrady's manuscript. * Appendices C and D, pp. 362-375. 


its Selections from the Public Records in 1857.* He 
arrayed all the arguments furnished by the gradation of 
climates from the plains to the snows ; by the robustness 
of European child-life in the hill station of Darjiling ; and 
by the varied possibilities for farming afforded by the 
different degrees of moisture and the fertility of the soil. 

Hodgson looked forward not only to the rearing of the 
more costly of sub-tropical products under European 
supervision in the Himalayas, but also to agricultural 
settlements by the British race. With "fifty to one 
hundred thousand loyal hearts and stalwart bodies of 
Saxon mould " on the Himalayas, he says, " our Empire 
in India might safely defy the world in arms against it." 2 
This last expectation has not been fulfilled, nor does it 
seem likely that the European agriculturist will ever be 
able to compete with the cheap labour of the native hill- 
men in raising cereals and the ordinary class of crops. But 
Hodgson's other expectation has been abundantly accom- 
plished. Tea-planting, which he singled out as the most 
suitable of the sub-tropical products for the Himalayas, has 
been developed with a success and upon a scale which not 
even he ventured to anticipate. When Hodgson wrote there 
seemed indeed to be little hope of such a development. 
But he himself had proved the possibility of growing tea 
when Resident in Nepal, and he persisted in calling atten- 
tion to the field for European enterprise thus opened up in 
our own Himalayan districts. 

" How much iteration is needed may be illustrated by 
the simple mention of the fact that the fitness of the 
Himalayas for tea-growing was fully ascertained twenty- 
five years ago in the valley of Nepal, a normal character- 

1 Selections from the Records of tiic Government of Bengal, pub- 
lished by authority, No. XXVII. (Calcutta, 1857). This paper was after- 
wards reprinted in the volume of Hodgson's Collected Essays, pp. 83 
etseq. Trtibner, 1874. 

Selections from the Records of the Government of Bengal, No. 
XXVIL, pp. 9, 10 (1857). 


istic region as well in regard to position as to elevation. 
Tea seeds and plants were procured from China through 
the medium of the Cashmere merchants then located at 
Kathmandu. They were sown and planted in the Resi- 
dency garden, where they flourished greatly, flowering and 
seeding as usual, and, moreover, grafts ad libitum were 
multiplied by means of the nearly allied Euiya (Camellia) 
kisi which, in the valley of Nepal as elsewhere through- 
out the Himalaya, is an indigenous and most abundant 
species. These favourable results were duly announced 
at the time to Dr. Abel, Physician to the Governor- 
General, an accomplished person with special qualifica- 
tions for their just appreciation. And yet, in spite of 
all this, twenty years were suffered to elapse before any 
effective notice of so important Tin experiment could be 
obtained." ' 

The four hundred tea-plantations now (1896) established 
in Darjiling and along the outskirts of the hills, with the five 
millions sterling invested in them, besides the great area 
under tea in the neighbouring provinces of Assam and 
Cachar, form the best commentary on Hodgson's forecast. 
He saw, with a clearness of vision not given to any other 
man of his time, the opening which the Himalayan spurs 
and sub-montane tracts afforded for a new British industry 
in India. 2 

1 Written in 1856. Hodgson's Collected Essays, pp. 87, 88 (1874). 

2 Tea-planting was experimentally conducted in Assam from 1834 
onward, and rapidly developed after 1851. But the capabilities of 
Darjiling and the Duars, i.e. of the Himalayan and Sub-Himalayan 
districts, were first brought conspicuously before the Government and 
the public by Mr. Hodgson. The experimental tea-cultivation in the 
Residency garden in Nepal, that is to say, the first attempt to grow 
tea in a Himalayan district, was made by Hodgson himself. 




SAINTK-BEUVE quotes with approval the limits 
which Lord Jeffrey placed upon excursions by a man 
of letters into the domain of science. Hodgson's physical 
researches were so highly specialised that any such 
excursions into them by me would be unsafe and pre- 
sumptuous. His zoological contributions to the Asiatic 
Society date from February 1824, when as a young 
Assistant Resident in Nepal he began to forward speci- 
mens of animals characteristic of the Himalayas the wild 
dog of Tibet, the shawl goat, the four-horned sheep, and 
the yak-cow. 1 During the next seven years he made a 
careful study of the types around him,* and embodied 
the results in a paper on " The Mammalia of Nepal " for 
the Bengal Asiatic Society in 1831. This he followed up 
in 1836 by a synoptical resume 'of the Mammalia of Tibet, 
and, after intermediate revisions, by a "Catalogue of the 
Mammals of Nepal and Tibet brought down to 1843," the 
last year of his residence in Nepal. 3 

Perhaps, however, his most valuable work for this 
department of zoology consisted of contributions on 
individual animals. His observations were made at first 

1 Letter from B. H. Hodgson to the Secretary of the Bengal Asiatic 
Society, dated February 29th, 1824. Asiatic Society's MS. Records. 

* His first article on birds, published in the Gleanings in Science , 
appeared in 1 829 ; but on mammals a paper of his appeared as early as 
1826, in TiUocKs Magazine, on the Chiru (Pantholops Hodgsoni), a new 
species of antelope, which was by him first made known, and a speci- 
men sent to Dr. Abel, who described it and called it after Mr. Hodgson. 

3 Calcutta Journal of Natural History, Vol. IV., 1844, p. 284. 


hand in the forests and mountains amid which they 
roamed, and which had never been explored by a European 
naturalist. He developed a faculty of accurate description 
and of anatomical drawing rarely acquired by a solitary 
self-taught worker, which made his contributions highly 
prized by the museums and Zoological Societies of 
Kurope. Besides discovering thirty-nine new genera and 
species l including the Budorcas Taxicolor, a new genus 
of bovine antelopes he contributed no fewer than fifty- 
one separate papers on the Himnlayan mammals to 
scientific bodies between the years 1830 and 1843, chiefly 
to the Journal of iJic Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

On returning to India in 1845 he resumed work on the 
Himalayan mammals in his new Darjiling home. Twenty- 
nine papers on their species, habits, and structure con- 
tributed to scientific journals attest his activity in this 
department during the following period of his life, an 
activity continued down to 1858, the very last year of his 
stay in Bengal. A list of eighty of his papers on the 
Mammalia, from 1830 to 1858, will be found in Appen- 
dix D to this book. Charles Darwin in his Variation of 
Animals and Plants under Domestication \ when discussing 
the origin of the domestic dog, mentions that Hodgson 
succeeded in taming the young of the Cants primccvus, an 
Indian wild dog, and in making them as fond of him and 
as intelligent as ordinary clogs. Darwin was also indebted 
to Hodgson's writings for information cm the occurrence 
of dew-claws in the Tibetan mastiff, and for other details 
of variations which he observed in the cattle, sheep, and 
goats of India. 

Hodgson's special work as an Indian naturalist was 
done, however, not in the domain of mammal life, but as 
an ornithologist. A magnificent scries of contributions 

1 I present his original discoveries in the department oi mammals 
(39 genera or species) in the form of a list kindly drawn up by Mr. 
Lydekker and supplied for this hook by Sir William Flower, K.C.B. 
(Appendix D). 


to scientific journals, of which I am able to enumerate 
forty-two, 1 from 1827* to the last years of his residence in 
Bengal, gradually elevated him to the highest rank of 
original ornithologists of his day. Instead of myself 
attempting to form an estimate of his services to this 
branch of science, I shall confine myself to an appreciation 
of them kindly drawn up for me by the greatest of Indian 
ornithologists now living, Allan Octavian Hume, C.B. 


" Mr. Hodgson's mind was many-sided, and his work 
extended into many fields of which I have little knowledge. 
Indeed of all the many subjects which, at various times, 
engaged his attention, there is only one with which I am 
well acquainted and in regard to his researches in which I 
am at all competent to speak. I refer of course to Indian 
Ornithology, and extensive as were his labours in this field, 
they absorbed, I believe, only a minor portion of his 
intellectual activities. Moreover his opportunities in this 
direction were somewhat circumscribed, for Nepal and 
Sikkim were the only provinces in our vast empire whose 
birds he was able to study in life for any considerable 
period. Yet from these two comparatively small provinces 
he added fully a hundred and fifty good new species to the 
Avi-fauna of the British Asian Empire, and few and far 
between have been the new species subsequently dis- 
covered within the limits he explored. 

But this detection and description of previously un- 
known species was only the smaller portion of his con- 
tributions to Indian Ornithology. He trained Indian 

1 Given in Appendix D. I have reason to infer that this list is 

* Letter from B. H. Hodgson to the Bengal Asiatic Society, dated 
March 8th, 1827, forwarding a new species of snipe and stating in 
what it differs from the common kind. There may perhaps be earlier 
communications from Hodgson on Himalayan birds in the Society's- 
MS. Records. 

xiii.] MR. HUME'S NOTE. 305 

artists to paint birds with extreme accuracy from a 
scientific point of view, and under his careful supervision 
admirable large-scale pictures were produced, not only of 
all the new species above referred to, but also of several 
hundred other already recorded ones, and in many cases 
of their nests and eggs also. These were continually 
accompanied by exact, life-size, pencil drawings of the 
bills, nasal orifices, legs, feet, and claws (the scutellation of 
the tarsi and toes being reproduced with photographic 
accuracy and minuteness), and of the arrangement of the 
feathers in crests, wings, and tails. Then on the backs of 
the plates was preserved an elaborate record of the colours 
of the irides, bare facial skin, wattles, legs, and feet, as well 
as detailed measurements, all taken from fresh and 
numerous specimens, of males, females, and young of each 
species, and over and above all this, invaluable notes as 
to food (ascertained by dissection), nidification and eggs, 
station, habits, constituting as a whole materials for a life- 
history of many hundred species such as I believe no one 
ornithologist had ever previously garnered. 

His numerous papers in the Journal of tlie Asiatic 
Society of Bengal, and elsewhere, gave to the scientific 
world some portions of the information thus collected, 
information which has been freely utilised by subsequent 
writers. A good deal more was reproduced from his notes 
in my Game Birds of India and Nests and Eggs of Indian 
Birds, but I fear that a still larger portion remains which, 
owing to changes in numbers, dislocation of sheets, fading 
ink, and half-obliterated pencil writing, only he himself 
could have utilised as it merited. 

Without overlooking the good work of Horsfield, Sykes, 
Raffles, Walden, Tickcll, Hutton, and others of the past 
generation in the East, or of Boddacrt, Latham, Shaw, 
Temminck, Gould, Jardine, and many others in the West, 
we may yet safely affirm that the great advance made in 
our knowledge of the birds of British India during the last 
fifty years has been more directly due to the labours of 



three men Blyth, Hodgson, Jerdon than to those of any 
six others, if not of all others put together. 

Of these three, Blyth, from the force of circumstances, 
was in India mainly a cabinet naturalist ; his chief work 
being to stir up others to collect and observe, to name new 
species coming to the Museum, and lay the foundations of 
a comprehensive synthesis of our Indian birds. Several 
of his monographs in the Journal of the Bengal Asiatic 
Society show how thoroughly qualified he would, under 
more favourable conditions, have become to write a 
scientifically satisfactory history of our Avi-fauna ; but ill- 
health and domestic troubles, and the relentless pressure of 
the almost mechanical work of the Museum in a damp hot 
climate inimical to Natural History collections, combined 
to bar Blyth's path, and he passed away leaving perhaps 
less tangible records of his great work than Jerdon who 
was in many respects his disciple. 

Jerdon on the other hand was a field naturalist pur 
sang, who had himself shot and watched in a wild state 
more than half of the species that he included in his book. 
He was an ornithologist first and last, and though he 
dabbled with mammals and reptiles in later life, he gave all 
his best days and thoughts to birds. Jerdon had great 
perseverance, and defective as it may now appear to us, he 
produced the first comprehensive work on India's birds. 
But how much of this is really Blyth's, with whom he 
worked morning, noon, and night whilst writing the work 
and passing it through the press, I doubt whether either he 
or Blyth himself had any idea. 

Hodgson combined much of Blyth's talent for classifica- 
tion with much of Jerdon's habit of persevering personal 
observation, and excelled the latter in literary gifts and 
minute and exact research. But with Hodgson ornithology 
was only a pastime or at best a parergon, and humble a 
branch of science as is ornithology, it is yet like all other 
branches a jealous mistress demanding an undivided alle- 
giance ; and hence with, I think, on the whole, higher 


qualifications, he exercised practically somewhat less in- 
fluence on ornithological evolution than either of his great 

But I need not seek to discriminate too nicely between 
this illustrious trio who all three, directly and indirectly, 
powerfully influenced their own and next succeeding 
generation, and by their words and works raised up 
scores of followers to complete and perfect the work they 
had so effectively inaugurated. Enough that there is no 
Indian ornithologist living to whom the memories of these 
three great pioneers arc not dear and sacred, and that so 
long as this fascinating study has any votaries in our 
Indian Empire, so long will the names of Blyth, Hodgson, 
and Jerdon be remembered, chenshed, and revered." 

Thus far Mr. Hume. It remains for me to present in 
the fewest words a summary of Hodgson's zoological 
contributions as a whole. "As a collector/' writes Mr. 
W. T. Blanford, " he was at the time unrivalled." ' Besides 
the numerous specimens shot, skinned, and stuffed or pre- 
served by himself, and given by him to the Asiatic Society 
and other public institutions between 1827 and 1843, 
he made two magnificent donations aggregating 10,499 
specimens to the British Museum. The first of these 
collections, as we saw at a previous page," was arranged 
at Canterbury on his visit to F)ngland and made over to 
the British Museum in 1844. Th c second was presented 
to the Museum on his final return from India in 1858. 

The two collections placed at the disposal of the British 
Museum, and from which it made its selections, included 
9,512 specimens of birds, 903 of mammals, and 84 of 
reptiles : total 10,499. 

"In the List of the Specimens of Mammalia in the 
Collection of the British Museum published in 1843," 

1 Natural Science, a Monthly Review, No. 30, August 1894, p. 152. 
* Vide ante, p. 240. 


writes Mr. W. T. Blanford, " Mr. Hodgson's name is 
attached, in the ' Index of Donations/ to a larger number 
of references than any other donor's, and at this time only 
his first contribution to the national collection had been 
received. Subsequently two separate catalogues of his 
presented collections were published, one in 1846, the 
other in 1863." 

The large selections thus made by the British Museum 
did not, however, exhaust Hodgson's collections. The 
Museums of Paris, Leyden, Edinburgh, Dublin, and other 
national or university institutions of the kind in Europe, 
America, and India, were enriched by his munificent 
donations. The distinctions showered upon him by the 
Zoological Societies of many countries attest their grateful 
sense of his scientific work. 

It was as a draughtsman and accurate describer of new 
varieties and species that Hodgson rendered his crowning 
service to ornithology. His drawings, clone by himself or 
by paid assistants whom he trained, cover about 2,000 folio 
sheets, 1 many of them containing several subjects. This 
magnificent collection was also placed by Hodgson at the 
disposal of the British Museum, which retained a certain 
number, including 55 sheets of reptiles. The remainder, 
comprising 1,241 sheets of birds and 567 of mammals, he 
presented to the Zoological Society of London in 1 874.* 

Of these donations Mr. W. T. Blanford writes: "A 
better idea of Mr. Hodgson's energy than any that can be 
derived from lists of specimens or even from a perusal of 
his papers is afforded by the drawings presented by him 
to the British Museum, or, still better, by the original 
copies that have found an appropriate resting-place in the 
Library of the Zoological Society of London. These 

1 1 have details of 1,863 sheets, namely Birds 1,241 sheets, Mammals 
567 sheets, Reptiles $5 sheets. 

* " Of these so given, 1,115 sheets of birds were lent in 1870 to A. O. 
Hume, C.B., for his projected work, conditioned that they be delivered 
to the Zoological Society when done with." Note by Hodgson in his 
Private Papers. 


drawings represent many hundreds of mammals and birds, 
and fill several large folio volumes, the same species being 
sometimes drawn three or four times. Each sheet, besides 
the figure of the whole animal, generally contains drawings 
of details of the external and internal structure, and the 
paper is crowded with manuscript notes on the localities, 
habits of life, breeding, nidification, and measurements. 

"In some respects he was in advance of the science of 
the day. He was fully alive to the importance of geo- 
graphical distribution, and was the first to attempt a 
demarcation of the zones of life, resulting from differences 
of elevation, in the Himalayas." 1 

With these words I close the present chapter. I have 
tried to show from Hodgson's Private Papers the quantity 
or volume of his zoological work. Its quality can be 
judged of only by experts. " His papers," wrote his illus- 
trious fellow-worker Jerdon, " are distinguished by a deep 
research and great acumen." ~ " No wonder," says the 
Hungarian record of his services, " that the great scientific 
institutions of Europe have overwhelmed him with 
honours." 3 

1 Natural Science, August 1894, p. 152. 

3 Preface to The Birds of India, by Dr. T. C. Jerdon. Calcutta, 
18621864, 3 vols. ; and 1877, 2 vols. 
3 Obituary notice in the Vasarnapi Ujsag of Budapest, August i ith, 




HODGSON was best known to the Indian world of 
his day as the champion of popular education in 
the mother-tongues of the people. During the first twenty 
years of his service a controversy gradually waxed fierce 
as to whether the vehicle for higher instruction in Bengal 
should be the English language or the classical languages 
of India. The dispute reached its height in 1835, the 
English party being chiefly represented by Lord Macaulay 
and Sir Charles Trevelyan, the Orientalists by Horace 
Hayman Wilson, Henry Thoby Prinsep, and John Russell 
Colvin. The necessity of developing a system of State 
education for India on a great scale had become im- 
perative, but the equal balance and incompatible demands 
of these two parties brought about a dead-lock. 

"All educational action had been at a standstill for 
some time back," writes the son of Sir Charles Trevelyan 
and nephew of Lord Macaulay, " on account of an irrecon- 
cilable difference of opinion in the Committee of Public 
Instruction : which was divided five against five on either 
side of a controversy, vital, inevitable, admitting of neither 
postponement nor compromise, and conducted by both 
parties with a pertinacity and a warmth that was nothing 
but honourable to those concerned." l 

At this point Hodgson struck into the controversy. He 
declared that if the education of the Indian peoples were 

1 The Life and Letters of Lord Macaulay, by Sir George Otto 
Trevelyan, M.P., Vol. L, p. 400. Ed. 1876. 


to become a reality it must be conducted neither in English 
nor in the classical languages of India, but in the living 
vernaculars of each province. To the heated disputants 
Hodgson seemed to be proposing " a middle course." The 
great Sanskrit scholar of Bengal in our day described it 
as a "via media" which failed at the moment to obtain 
adoption. 1 But, in point of fact, Hodgson raised the whole 
previous question as to the proper aim and scope of State 
instruction in Bengal. His two letters in 1835 "On the 
Education of the People of India " lifted the subject out 
of the arena of academic controversy, and relegated the 
wranglings of Anglicists and Orientalists to the somewhat 
comical place which they now occupy in Indian history. 
Hodgson's proposals became the basis of Indian Public 
Instruction through the medium "of the vernacular tongues, 
as adopted by the Court of Directors' Despatch of 1854 
and as finally reorganised by the Education Commission 
of 1882. In order to understand the permanent effects 
of his labours in this field, it is needful to glance back 
at the state of opinion when he emerged upon the 

The Indians have always enjoyed the reputation of 
being a learned people. 2 Megasthencs, the Greek Ambas- 
sador to the Gangetic Court about 300 B.C., found a grave 
and polished society ; and the rich stores of Sanskrit 
literature surviving to the present day confirm his descrip- 
tion. The education of a Brahman, according to the four 
prescribed stages of his life, extended over at least twelve 
years. The Buddhist supremacy in India placed instruc- 
tion on a more popular basis. The vast monastery of 
Nalanda in the seventh century A.D. compares, as to the 
number and zeal of its students, with the much later 
universities of mediaeval Europe. After the Muhammadan 

1 Rajendra Lala Mitra, LL.D., C.I.E., in the preface to his Sanskrit 
Buddhist Literature of Nepal, pp. vii, viii. Calcutta, 1882. 

* I condense this and the next paragraph from the Report of the 
Indian Education Commission of 1882, paras. 19 and 20. 


conquest of India in the eleventh century the Mosque also 
became a centre of instruction and literary activity. Alike 
among the Musalmans and the Hindus the promotion of 
education on the basis of the classical languages of India 
formed a recognised duty of the State. 

The East India Company, on succeeding to the sove- 
reignty of Hindustan, aimed only at discharging the duties 
fulfilled by the previous Ruling Powers. It respected 
educational endowments, and for a time confined its own 
educational activity to the foundation of Hindu and 
Muhammadan seats of learning of the ancient type. But 
by degrees the need of training native officers in the 
language of the conquerors called into existence schools of 
a new type. The Parliamentary Charter of 1 8 1 3 provided a 
yearly sum of Rs. 100,000 from the revenues for education. 
In 1823 the Indian Government appointed a Committee 
of Public Instruction to superintend the expenditure. 
This body was guided by two fundamental principles. 
First, to discharge the traditional duty of the Ruling 
Power by encouraging the instruction which the learned 
classes really desired that is to say, instruction in the 
sacred or classical languages of India. Second, as its school- 
fund was inadequate for any system of general education, 
to apply it to the instruction of the higher classes, in 
the hope that education might filter down through them 
to the people. 

It was in the application of these principles that an 
irreconcilable difference arose. The learned section of the 
upper classes clung to their old types of education in 
Sanskrit, Persian, and Arabic. The other desired an 
education in the English tongue which would fit their 
sons for professional and official careers. In 1834 [Lord] 
Macaulay who had newly arrived as Law Member of 
Council, was appointed President to the Committee of 
Public Instruction. On February 2nd, 1835, he penned 
as Member of Council the famous minute which practically 
decided the subject. 


" How stands the case ? " he wrote. 1 " We have to 
educate a people who cannot at present be educated by 
means of their mother-tongue. We must teach them some 
foreign language" that is to say cither English, or the 
classical languages of India such as Sanskrit, Arabic, or 
Persian, which were equally " foreign " to the common 
people. " The question now before us is simply whether, 
when it is in our power to teach this [English] language, 
we shall teach languages in which, by universal confession, 
there arc no books on any subject which deserve to be 
compared to our own ; whether, when we can teach 
European science, we shall teach systems which, by uni- 
versal confession, whenever they differ from those of 
Europe, differ for the worse ; aid whether, when we can 
patronise sound philosophy and true history, we shall 
countenance, at the public expense, medical doctrines 
which would disgrace an English farrier, astronomy which 
would move laughter in the girls at an English boarding- 
school, history abounding with kings thirty feet high and 
reigns thirty thousand years long, and geography made 
up of seas of treacle and seas of butter." 

Macaulay's powerful advocacy, with its mingled argu- 
ment and sarcasm, carried the day with the Governor- 
General. Lord William Bcntinck issued a Resolution 
declaring that the medium of higher State education in 
India should be the English language. But Hodgson, in 
his quiet retreat in Nepal, was neither convinced by the 
arguments nor frightened by the wit of the brilliant new 
Member of Council. To Macaulay's clear-cut conclusions, 
formed after a few months' residence in Bengal, Hodgson 
modestly but firmly opposed the views which he had 
arrived at after nearly twenty years of Indian study and 
experience. He published two letters in the Friend of 
India, then the leading newspaper in Bengal, in which he 

1 Minute in Council, dated February 2nd, 1835, quoted in Sir George 
Trevelyan's Life and Letters of Macaulay^ Vol. I., pp. 401 and 402. 
Ed 1876. 


traversed the major premiss on which Macaulay's whole 
argument rested. 1 Macaulay started by assuming that 
"we have to educate a people who cannot at present be 
educated by means of their mother-tongue," and he pre- 
supposed the impossibility of giving sound instruction in 
the classical languages of India. 

" These assumptions," replied Hodgson, " appear to me 
somewhat hasty and unfounded." He declared that the 
true issue had not been stated. That issue, he maintained, 
was not as between English and the ancient classical 
languages of India, but as between English and the living 
vernacular languages of India. Taking Bengali as an 
example, " the language of thirty-seven millions," he pointed 
out that it had already good dictionaries and grammars, 
and possessed an adequate " precision and compass," while 
its close relationship to Sanskrit afforded " means of 
enrichment by new terms competent to express any 
imaginable modification of thought."- If any scheme of 
public instruction were really to reach the Indian peoples, 
it must take as its basis their mother-tongues. 

It would be easy to multiply quotations. But these 
words state so clearly the principle for which Hodgson 
contended during the next twenty years, and which at 
the end of those twenty years finally triumphed, that 
amplification seems uncalled for. He was careful, however, 
not to deny the possibility of English eventually becoming 
the language of education in India. But he urged that 

1 Two Letters on the Education of the People of India, by B. H. 
Hodgson, dated August and September 1835 ; republished, with 
further material, at the Serampur Press in 1837 ; again amplified and 
republished as four letters in 1843; again as seven letters in 1848; 
and -finally edited with additions in Hodgson's Collected Works 
(Miscellaneous Essays Relating to Indian Subjects, Vol. II., 1888, 
pp. 255 to 348). 

1 Letter No. I., dated August 1835. Hodgson's Miscellaneous Essays, 
Vol. II., p. 264 (Trttbner, 1880). I give references to this edition as it is 
the one most available to the British public. But in each case I quote 
from the original Indian edition of the letters. 


so great a revolution demanded an expenditure of money 
and of force altogether beyond the powers of the Indian 
Education Department at that time. " No one asserts," J 
he said, "that it is impossible to change the speech of 
this vast continent. It is only contended that the attempt 
is of all others the most difficult, and one for which your 
means are enormously disproportionate to the end. You 
are a drop literally in the ocean ; and a drop, too, separated 
from the mass of waters by the strongest antipathy." 

As to the alleged " eagerness of the people of India to 
drink our knowledge undiluted from the fountain-head of 
English," Hodgson answered : " They cannot and they may 
not so drink. They have neither the means, nor the will, 
nor the permission to do so. The English language is 
too costly for them. Let it be granted," which Hodgson 
himself by no means granted, u that the first object is to 
disenchant the popular mind of India. Do you propose 
to break the speli which now binds it by the facilities and 
attractions of the English language ? Or do you imagine 
that those magicians to whom the spell is power and 
wealth and honour unbounded, and whose vigilance has 
maintained its unabated influence for three thousand years, 
have, merely to serve your ends, been suddenly stricken 
with infatuation ? To them belong the parents 1 minds ; 
to the parents, the minds of the children." * 

Hodgson further maintained that such a sudden awaken- 
ing, even if possible, was not to be desired. He insisted 
on the danger of artificially forcing on the education of 
the higher classes, while the people at large were left out 
in the dark. So one-sided a system, he urged, would arm 
the few with a new power over the many. It would also, 
at the cost of Government, rear up a vast class of English- 
educated young men who would look to political or 
official careers which the Government would be unable 

1 Letter No. I. of 1835. Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II., p. 275. 
Ed. 1880. 
* Letter No. II. (1835). Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II., pp. 291, 292. 


to provide for them. "For my part, I cannot help 
thinking that the dilettante as well as exotic character 
of the steps we have taken in the Educational Department 
could not have had any other result than that of sending 
forth a host of grandiloquent grumblers, as able to clamour 
as unable to work." * These words, be it remembered, he 
wrote half a century ago. He maintained that not only 
justice but expediency demanded that with this hot-house 
education of the ambitious clerkly classes in India, the 
instruction of the people should go hand-in-hand. For 
such popular instruction he urged that the vernacular 
languages formed the only possible instrument 

Hodgson clearly realised the difficulties of the scheme 
which he thus propounded. He knew that an improved 
vernacular education for India involved an improvement 
alike in the methods and in the textbooks of the vernacular 
schools. But he maintained that such improvements had 
a claim at least equal to the claims of higher instruction 
in English on "the small educational fund in the hands 
of Government." " Though I give the mother-tongues of 
the people the first and second place, I give English the 
third ; and in my Normal College, which is not so much 
an educational establishment as an indirect means of 
making all such establishments efficient, I would have 
the alumni equally versed in both tongues their own 
and ours." 2 

Finally, Hodgson maintained that not only justice and 
political expediency but also the actual needs of the 
Administration required the recognition of vernacular in- 
struction. A leading object of English teaching was to 
supply a "superior class of subordinate native function- 
aries" who would conduct their duties in the English 
language. "That notion," said Hodgson, "is founded 

1 Letter No. V. (i%4%).Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II., pp. 328, 329. 
Ed. 1880. 

Letter No. IV. (1843). Miscellaneous Essays, VoL II., p. 321. 
Ed. 1880. 


upon a want of intimate information of the interior economy 
of this country." The actual administration of India at 
that time, and for many years to come, could only be 
conducted in the languages of the people. "Whilst the 
old class " of officials, wrote Hodgson, " are toiling in their 
vocation from youth upwards, and thus slowly attaining 
that exquisite skill in details which needs only the general 
knowledge of Europeans for purposes of superintendence, 
the new class are learning Shakespeare and Milton, Bacon 
and Newton ; and with that sort of training only they are 
despatched into the interior to become officials, possessed 
of but a poor and mimicked semblance of our own peculiar 
knowledge, though purchased at the expense of all their 
own. Yet it is expected that grave men, responsible for 
the weal of the country, should "prefer the claims to office 
of one of these young parrots to the claims of persons 
growing grey in the constant discharge of the complex 
peculiar duties of that all-important body of functionaries, 
the professional scribes of the East, upon whose shoulders 
from time immemorial has ever rested the real burden of 
administration. If justice did not forbid such supersession, 
expedience would. The Europeans cannot possibly dis- 
pense with the old class of functionaries ; cannot possibly 
get through the work with the help of the new class : and 
thus the scheme which looks so well at Calcutta, finds no 
serious approver or adopter in the interior.' 1 ! 

The means by which Hodgson hoped to give effect to his 
scheme were threefold. First, the recognition of the claims 
of vernacular education along with those of English and 
Sanskrit to State encouragement, and as far as the funds 
permitted to State support. Second, the production of 
improved textbooks in the vernaculars which should impart 
a sound instruction on the subjects with which they dealt. 
Third, the training of vernacular teachers by Normal 
Schools and "a Normal Vernacular College for school- 

1 Letter No. V. (1%$). Miscellaneous Essays, Vol. II., p. 328. 
Ed. 1880. 


masters and translators." In short Hodgson advocated 
popular education for India as opposed to a system of 
English and Sanskrit education. He opposed the " infiltra- 
tion theory " of Macaulay and Lord William Bentinck by 
which they hoped to see high education trickle downwards 
from the favoured classes to the neglected ones. He 
combatted the then dominant view that the duty of 
Government was to create new institutions on its own 
models rather than to develop the existing ones of native 
growth. He powerfully opposed the accepted thesis " that 
reconstruction and not improvement was the business of" 
State education in Bengal. 1 

" You have an indigenous system of vernacular instruc- 
tion," he urged again and again, "which has slowly and 
naturally grown out of the wants of the people. Build 
upon it." 

In this view Hodgson received support from an un- 
expected source. Up to 1835 it was but vaguely under- 
stood that such a system of indigenous education did exist. 
In 1835 the wide ramifications of that system began for 
the first time to be carefully explored. Mr. John Adam, 
originally a missionary, issued the first of his three reports 
containing the results of his inquiries in the Bengal districts 
as to the number and the working of the indigenous 
schools. The system which he advocated was based 
essentially on the old village organisation of the Hindus. 2 
Under that system each village had not only its head 
and its accountant, but its carpenter, smith, potter, barber, 
washerwoman, and last, although not least, its school- 
master. 3 Mr. Adam estimated that a hundred thousand 
such schools existed in the Lower Provinces of Bengal 
alone, and he earnestly pleaded for their recognition and 

1 Mr. A. P. Howell's Note on Education in India, quoted Report of 
Indian Education Commission of 1882, para. 32. 

* The Rev. James Long's preface to the reprint of Mr. John Adam's 
Reports, p. 9. Home Secretariat Press, Calcutta, 1868. 

8 The Guru Mahashay. 


improvement. 1 He failed, however, at the time to secure 
the support of the Government, which had then just 
pledged itself to Macaulay's more ambitious scheme of 
English education. " No general effort was, however, made 
to assist or improve the indigenous schools until i855." 2 

But although Mr. Adam failed in his immediate object, 
the clear recognition that a widespread system of in- 
digenous education existed by its own vitality in Bengal 
gave weight to Hodgson's pleadings in favour of vernacular 
education. Hodgson's idea was to develop vernacular 
instruction to a higher standard than that of the village 
hedge-schools. Attempts had already been made in this 
direction. At the beginning of the century Mr. Ellcrton 
established certain vernacular schools at Malda, and 
devoted the leisure hours of his Indigo- Factory life to com- 
posing Bengali books for the use of the pupils. In 1814 
Mr. May, a missionary, started a vernacular school in the 
old Dutch fort of Chinsura, and at his too early death in 
1818 he left behind him thirty-six such schools with three 
thousand pupils. 

Other missionaries established a number of vernacular 
schools in the rural districts. "Crowds attended the 
schools. But their efforts, through not having suitable 
successors, were not followed up." :J Captain Stewart, how- 
ever, threw himself into the breach, and between 1816 and 

1818 introduced printed books into the vernacular schools, 
notwithstanding the first alarms that the use of anything 
save manuscript might destroy the children's caste. In 

1819 the Calcutta School Book Society 4 took up the work 
with larger resources. 

This promising period was soon overshadowed by the 
all-absorbing controversy between the Anglicists and 

1 Report of the Indian Education Commission of \ 882, para. 32. 
* Idem. 

3 The Rev. James Long's preface to Mr. John Adam's Reports^ p. 2. 

4 Originally founded in 1817. Several other philanthropists and 
philanthropic societies contributed to the good work, conspicuously the 
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge from about 1822 onwards. 


Orientalists. High English education and the " downward 
infiltration theory " carried the day. The Council of 
Education reiterated its decision "that our efforts should 
be at first concentrated to the chief towns " " in the expec- 
tation that through the agency of these scholars an edu- 
cational reform will descend to the rural vernacular 
schools." 1 

But it was no longer with humble-minded missionaries 
that the Department of State Education had now to con- 
tend. Hodgson's distinguished services as a high political 
officer and his European reputation as a scholar com- 
pelled it to reconsider the views for which he so earnestly 
and so persistently pleaded. By 1 838 it began to be recog- 
nised, not merely in Bengal but throughout all India, that 
a new force was at work. The great missionary scholar 
of Bombay, Dr. John Wilson, wrote in 1838 as follows: 
"Mr. Hodgson's advocacy of the vernaculars is most 
powerful and convincing. They must be the medium of 
the regeneration of India, as they have been in every 
country on the face of the globe." 2 

The Bengal authorities, although they shrank from so 
complete a change of front, acknowledged the weight of 
authority which was being arrayed against them. " No 
one has more earnestly urged," says their Education 
Report of 1838, "the duty of communicating European 
knowledge to the natives than Mr. Hodgson ; no one has 
more powerfully shown the importance of employing the 
vernacular languages for accomplishing that object; no 
one has more eloquently illustrated the necessity of 
conciliating the learned and of making them our coadjutors 
in the great work of a nation's regeneration." s 

Hodgson steadily went on with his work, and three 

1 Quoted in the Rev. James Long's preface to Mr. John Adam's 
Reports, p. 12. 

Letter from Dr. John Wilson of Bombay to L. Wilkinson, Esq., 
Political Agent at Bhopal, dated October 26th, 1838. 

3 Third Report on Education in Bengal, p. 200 (1838). 


years later the victory was practically won. "The pro- 
gress of the principles of Normal and vernacular education 
cannot now be checked/ 1 Sir W. O'Shaughncssy publicly 
declared in I84I. 1 The actual facts "have deprived the 
anti-vernacular party of even a pretext for advocating the 
exclusive use either of English or of the learned native 
tongues. Let those who wish well to India, and desire 
to see its inhabitants flourish in knowledge, visit the 
secondary schools of the New Medical College, and they 
will see the firstfruits of the Normal system. I have 
felt it an imperative duty to publish these important facts. 
It is the only contribution I can offer to the measures of 
the eminent and wise philanthropist [Hodgson] under 
whose auspices Normal instruction is now claiming public 

By this time Hodgson had definitely formulated his 
demands for a Normal Vernacular College and for the 
issue of improved vernacular textbooks by trained trans- 
lators. The Anglo-Indian press, which had for some 
time hesitated, struck in vigorously on his side. "It is a 
plan," wrote the Calcutta Englishman in 1841,* "which 
calls loudly for the support of Government, and we cannot 
doubt that it will meet with the hearty concurrence of 
the Home authorities and the Home public." Indeed the 
Indian press now began to regard the tardiness of the 
Committee of Public Instruction to carry out Hodgson's 
views as a sign that it had got out of touch with the 
times and required reformation. " The publication of Mr. 
Hodgson's proposals," wrote the other leading journal of 
Bengal in 1842, "to found a Normal College for training 
translators and schoolmasters, and the noble support he 
offers from his own purse (Rs. 5,000), are calculated to 
give a new impulse to the flagging cause of Vernacular 
Education, and to inspire the hope that a successful effort 

1 Professor Sir W. O'Shaughnessy's Address to the Medical College, 
Calcutta, November I7th, 1841. 
1 October soth. 



may yet be made, without waiting for the renovation of 
the Committee of Public Instruction. If his plan can be 
carried into execution, a beginning will have been made, 
a very great point gained, and the introduction of 
Vernacular Education before the lapse of another century 
will be put beyond doubt" 1 

This result was destined to be accomplished long before 
" the lapse of another century." The feeling that the then 
existing system of public instruction was inadequate to 
the needs of the people became a fixed conviction. The 
reference by the Englishman to the Home authorities was 
founded upon a perception that the reform required a 
stronger hand than was likely to be applied to it in India. 
At length in 1854, after years of inquiry and consideration, 
the Court of Directors spoke out in language which could 
admit of no mistake. Its famous Despatch of that year 
set forth, in the words of Lord Dalhousie, " a scheme of 
education for all India, far wider and more comprehensive 
than the Supreme or any Local Government could ever 
have ventured to suggest." 2 While recognising the im- 
portance of English instruction, it declared vernacular 
education to be the basis of State education in India. 

The Despatch of 1854 called the special attention of the 
Indian Government to the question " how useful and prac- 
tical knowledge, suited to every station in life, might be 
best conveyed to the great mass of the people who are 
utterly incapable of obtaining any education worthy of 
the name by their own unaided efforts," and it desired 
that " the active measures of Government should be more 
specially directed for the future to this object." These 
instructions were reiterated again and again by the Home 
authorities from 1854 onwards, just as Hodgson had again 
and again reiterated the arguments on which they were 
founded during the preceding twenty years. " The resources 

1 The Friend of India, October 7th, 1842. 

' Proceedings of the Government of India in the Home Department, 
dated February 3rd, 1882. 


of the State," runs a Despatch of 1864, "ought to be so 
applied as to assist those who cannot be expected to help 
themselves ; and the richer classes of the people should 
gradually be induced to provide for their own education." ' 

But a change takes place slowly in India ; and however 
urgent we may be for our own individual reforms, it is well 
for India and for its British Government that change does 
very slowly take place The traditions of the Public 
Instruction authorities were in favour of the higher English 
instruction, and vernacular education for a time remained 
a step-child of the Department. " Thirty years ago," said 
the President of the Bengal Asiatic Society in 1866, " Mr. 
Hodgson most ably advocated the pre-eminence of the 
vernaculars in a scries of letters, the arguments of which 
still remain unanswered." 2 Four years later a petition 
from certain nobles and gentlemen of Bengal to the 
Governor-General found it again necessary to insist on 
this view. " We have no resource but to adopt the ver- 
nacular as the medium for the communication to the 
people generally of European learning, and we would do 
well to bear in mind the observations of Mr. Hodgson on " 
41 the diffusion of knowledge in India. " * 

It was not, however, till 1 883 that Mr. Hodgson's views 
received their full development at the hands of the Govern- 
ment of India. Mr. Hodgson was by that time an old 
man in his eighty-fourth year. But I can personally 
testify, as President of the Commission which then made 
broad the foundations of State education in India, that his 
interest in the question was unabated. Our instructions 
from the Supreme Government were to so reorganise 
education in India that " the different branches of public 
instruction should if possible move forward together, 
and with more equal step than hitherto. The principal 

1 Despatch from the Secretary of State to the Government of India, 
No. 13, dated April 25th, 1864. 
* President's Address at the Meeting of May 1866. 
3 Education Return to the House of Commons, July 1870, p. 319. 


object therefore of the inquiry of the Commission should 
be the present state of elementary education throughout 
the [Indian] Empire, and the means by which this can 
everywhere be extended and improved." l 

It is not needful to detail the steps by which effect was 
given to these instructions. It must suffice to say that, 
after visiting each of the great provinces of India, examin- 
ing a hundred and ninety-three witnesses, and consider- 
ing three hundred and twenty-three memorials signed 
by over a quarter of a million of persons, a plan was 
carefully worked out. The vernacular languages were 
definitely recognised as the medium of instruction, not 
only in the indigenous and primary schools, but also in 
a great part of the curriculum of secondary education. 
Hodgson's views received a precision and an extension 
which, when he began his advocacy of popular education 
fifty years previously, he had not dared to hope for. The 
primary schools ceased to be regarded as mere nurseries 
for forcing up little boys into English-teaching institutions. 
The Commission definitely declared " that primary educa- 
tion be regarded as the instruction of the masses, through 
the vernacular, in such subjects as will best fit them for 
their position in life, and be not necessarily regarded as a 
portion of instruction leading up to the University." * 

Of the four million pupils in Indian schools and colleges 
recognised by the State in the last year of Hodgson's life, 
three and a half millions 3 were receiving education entirely 
in the vernacular, and the remainder partly in the ver- 
nacular and partly in the English language. This was the 
result for which Hodgson began to labour as a young man 
of thirty-five, and which he saw accomplished at the age of 

1 Resolution of the Government of India, dated February 3rd, 1882, 
para. 8. 

9 Indian Education Commission's Report of 1883, para. 676. 

8 Parliamentary Statistical Abstract Relating to British India, for 




WE have seen that his wife's failing health induced 
Hodgson to quit India for good in 1858. But an- 
other reason also weighed heavily with him. His mother 
had died in 1851, and his father, old and solitary, pined for 
the companionship of his only remaining son. Such 
pleadings from a father oi ninety-two are difficult to 
resist : with a devoted son like Hodgson they were 
irresistible. He had intended to complete the materials 
for his History of Nepal during another year in Darjiling, 
and, having sent home Mrs. Hodgson in 1857, to follow her 
at the end of 1858 or early in 1859. But on receiving 
the news of his father's illness he resolved to sail for 
Europe at once. 

"The General 1 and Ellen's letters just to hand," he 
wrote to his wife at the end of 1857, "speak most 
despondently of my father's state, and of the ardent hopes 
he has of my speedy presence. So I must cast away my 
long-cherished ambition of writing that History of Nepal 
for which I have been collecting materials during half my 
life, and hasten to do my duty to those most dear to me. 
I shall hardly have a month at Darjiling, and must then 
hurry down to Calcutta to prepare for my voyage." 

Hodgson knew well that this sudden departure meant 
the frustration of his life's work. The manuscripts which 
he had already collected for the History of Nepal filled 
three large boxes and are set forth in Appendix B. But 

1 General the Baron Huibert Gerard Nahuys, who married Hodgson's 
sister Ellen. 


although copious they were not yet complete, and they 
failed to furnish a continuous narrative. Hodgson had 
however the satisfaction of knowing that, although too late 
to see his father alive, he had done his utmost to gratify 
his last wish. The old man died in January 1858, at the 
age of ninety-two. 

Hodgson had counted the cost, and he paid it without a 
murmur. He had already distributed his other collections, 
manuscripts and zoological specimens and drawings, to 
the great libraries and museums of England and the 
Continent. On his return to Europe he found a new 
generation of scholars at work on them, and he deemed it 
unfitting to reappear as a competitor in a field on which he 
had won triumphs forty years before. The same con- 
siderations influenced his decision in regard to the History 
of Nepal. Dr. Oldfield, appointed Residency Surgeon in 
Nepal in 1850, seven years after Hodgson had completed 
his long term as Resident and retired from the public 
service, was already amassing materials for the two post - 
humous volumes which bear his name. 1 Before long an 
investigator more laborious and more exact, Dr. Daniel 
Wright, was appointed to the same post as Surgeon to 
the Resident at Kathmandu. 2 Other inquirers into the 
Nepalesc annals also began to appear on the scene. 
Hodgson felt that it would be alike undignified and un- 
generous for him to enter the lists against these younger 
men. He accordingly, as we have seen, 3 made over his 
collections for a History of Nepal to the India Office 
Library in 1 864, for the use of all workers in the field of 
Nepalese research. In this act as in every other, his single 
thought was not to win fame for himself, but to render his 
original collections available to the world of scholars. 

1 Sketches from Nepal, Historical and Descriptive, by the late Henry 
Ambrose Oldfield, M.D. 2 Vols., London, 1880. 

8 His work, a History of Nepal from the Parbataya and other native 
chronicles, is still the standard account of the Nepalese dynasties. 
Cambridge University Press, 1877. Aitte, pp. 268, 269. 

xv.] CONCLUSION. 327 

With this gift to the India Office in 1864, Hodgson's 
life as a public worker comes to an end. It is only with 
his life as a worker that the present volume deals. In 
regard to the thirty years of private happiness that still 
lay before him, he himself would have desired me to be 
brief. For he felt strongly that a man's claim to recogni- 
tion from the world is the work which he does for the 

The fewest words, therefore, are best. On his arrival 
in England in 1858, he had the reward of seeing his wife 
recover her strength, and of himself starting on a new life 
of robust health such as he never before known. The 
truth seems to be that the Hodgson constitution was 
peculiarly liable to the complaints incident to the Indian 
climate. His two brothers died young of Indian fever on 
the plains ; he only managed to keep himself alive through 
a life-long struggle with fever and liver by residence in 
the hills. On the other hand, the family constitution had 
unusual powers of resistance to the ailments which shorten 
human life in the temperate zone. His six immediate 
progenitors, male and female, averaged the great age of 
eighty-five years, the youngest among them dying at 
seventy-five. When set free from the unfavourable con- 
ditions in India which had killed his two brothers, his 
constitution reasserted its hereditary vigour, and he ex- 
ceeded even the family term of longevity, by living in 
perfect health and with all his faculties complete to the 
age of ninety-four. 

On his return to England he took up his abode at The 
Rangers, Dursiey, in Gloucestershire ; partly to be near 
his wife's parents who lived at Cheltenham. In 1867 he 
migrated to the beautiful Grange at Aldcrley under the 
Cotswold Hills, and there he spent the remainder of his 
days. In January 1868 he underwent a great sorrow the 
loss of his wife. Her father and mother, General and Mrs. 
Scott, had formed a very united family with the Hodgsons 


since the return of the latter from India, and both the 
father and mother died in his house. 1 In the second year 
of his widowerhood he married Susan, daughter of the 
Rev. Chambr6 Townshend of Derry, County Cork, and 
granddaughter of General Oliver, R.A. Twenty-five years 
of married life still lay before him a life of unclouded 
happiness with a wife capable of sharing his interests, 
much younger than himself, yet devoted to him with 
the perfect affection which noble natures inspire and 

It was in 1868 that I became acquainted with Hodgson. 
I was then a young Indian civilian at home on sick-leave, 
and writing a book on the non-Aryan races of Bengal. 
I can never forget the first impression which he made 
upon me. His tall spare figure, finely cut features, 
ruddy cheeks, abundant grey hair, military moustache, 
and a certain air of distinction with which he held him- 
self erect as he stood welcoming me on his door-step, 
by no means suggested the venerable scholar whom I 
had always associated with his name. He might have 
been a famous general, or an ambassador in retreat, or a 
country gentleman of the courtly school who had kept 
his figure at its best by field-sports in fact anything 
rather than the learned recluse who had made a European 
reputation long before I was born. 

As I came to know him better I found that his charm 
of manner concealed a wealth of erudition which, living 
as he did among country neighbours, he was shy of dis- 

1 The Family Tablet of the Scotts in Londonderry Cathedral thus 
records their deaths : 

" Sacred to the Memory of Anne, the beloved Wife of Lieut-General 
H. A. Scott, Royal Artillery, Daughter of Robert Alexander, Esq., of 
Boomhall near this city, died at The Rangers, Dursley, Sept. i8th, 1865, 
aged 85. 

"And of the aforesaid General H. A Scott, R.A., who died at the 
Grange, Alderley, Gloucestershire, August ist, 1868, aged 89. 

"And of Annie his daughter. Wife of B. H. Hodgson, Esq., Retired 
List of the Bengal Civil Service, who died also at the Grange, Jan. 3rd, 
1868, aged 52." 

xv.] CONCLUSION. 329 

closing. His memory was singularly retentive, full of the 
incidents of a period which to me seemed already historical, 
yet keenly alive to every new interest, scholarly, political, 
and artistic, of the hour. He formed a most attractive 
link between the present and the past. At times he poured 
out recollections of the heroic days of the East India 
Company ; at others he would discuss the last new book, 
or the Volunteer movement, of which he was a generous 
supporter from its commencement, or the most recent 
phase in home and Continental politics. Often the only 
liberal in the company of strongly conservative squires, 
whenever Gladstone's name was mentioned at his table, he 
would lift his glass with a courteous smile to his opponents 
around him, and say in a gentle voice, "Here's to 
Gladstone ! God bless him : the -greatest statesman of the 

His politics and his scholarship he kept, as a rule, for 
his friends. His courtesy was for all men. Whether 
people differed from him or not, they could not help 
admiring him. He was popular in the hunting field, and 
rode with two packs of hounds until the last of several 
accidents at the age of sixty-eight a concussion of the 
brain. He lived the pleasant life of a country gentleman 
with a good stable, an annual visit to London, and during 
his later years the Riviera in spring. In 1 883 he and Mrs. 
Hodgson built for themselves a permanent home for the 
winter months at Mentone the " Villa Himalaya " nestled 
among flowers and lemon-groves, and commanding a noble 
view of mountains and sea. 

His public appearances were rare. In 1874 he took 
part in a deputation, on the opening up of trade with 
Tibet, to the Duke of Argyll, then Secretary of State for 
India. But his true life lay in his Gloucestershire home. 
Its fine old gardens were a constant delight to him, and 
he seldom returned from his morning's ramble without 
an armful of flowers. He lived in the open air. Many 
an hour of quiet reading he spent under the shade of a 


noble mulberry tree, enriching the margins of his books 
with erudite notes on a little table by his armchair. 
Although he did not hunt after the age of sixty-eight, he 
continued a vigorous horseman until eighty. He rode 
up to eighty-six, familiar with every gate and bridle-path 
of the lovely country along the edge and spurs of the 
Cotswolds. He was happy in his neighbours, his nearest 
ones being the old Gloucestershire family of Hale, dis- 
tinguished in the army and the Church and descended 
from the famous Sir Matthew Hale. The eminent lawyer, 
Attorney-General Sir John Rolt, lived at Ozleworth not 
far off. Miss North, whose collection of flower-paintings 
occupy a special house at Kew built at her own expense, 
passed her closing years in a home and garden filled 
with her favourite exotics, a few minutes 1 walk from the 

To the Grange itself came many visitors famous in 
their own paths of life. Sir Joseph Hooker, President of 
the Royal Society, Sir Henry Yule, the finest Indian 
historical scholar of our day, Sir Donald McLeod who had 
splendidly governed the Punjab, Sir Walter Elliot from 
the Scottish border, Professor Max Miiller from Oxford, 
Professor Cowell from Cambridge, Dr. Ncedham Cust, Sir 
James Colvile, President of the Bengal Asiatic Society, 
and Arthur Grote, President of the Royal Asiatic Society, 
were a few of the men of note who made Alderley Grange 
unique in its way among English country homes. Hodgson 
had the rare gift of attaching to himself young men. As 
his older friends dropped off a new generation of scholars 
seemed to spring up in their places- Professor Bendall of 
the British Museum, Professor T. Miller of Strasburg, 
Professor Tawney, and many others. 

The summer months spent in London, or at a charming 
residence at Wimbledon, kept Hodgson abreast with the 
outside world. His winters on the Riviera were made 
bright by groups of friends, some of them the sons or 
grandsons of the men who had welcomed him into the 

xv.] CONCLUSION. 331 

world of European scholarship more than half a century 
before. Renan, one of his latest visitors, used to say that 
it was from his great master Burnouf that he had learned 
to reverence the name of Brian Hodgson. Georg von 
Bunsen maintained unbroken the friendship which his 
father had bequeathed to him with the Darjiling recluse. 
The more distinguished of the English colony on the 
Riviera also flocked around the picturesque old scholar : 
soldiers like General Chamberlain and General Sir Montagu 
McMurdo ; diplomatists and famous frontier officers like 
Sir Lewis Pclly and Sir Donald MacNabb ; philologcrs, 
historians, and political economist? like Sir Monier Williams, 
Lord Acton, and Sir Louis Mallet. 

To the very last he had the faculty of making new 
friends. Count Angelo di Gubcrnatis, after meeting 
Hodgson at Florence in 1883, wrote: "It was a real 
fcsta to us all to make the acquaintance of such a man, 
so eminent, so simple, and so good." The eager interest 
which he took in everything on his travels was very 
striking. At eighty-two he went on a pilgrimage to 
Horace's Farm in the Sabine Hills, and made many-sided 
notes on the historical and classical associations of ancient 
and mediaeval Rome. 

Scarcely less striking was his intense love of nature. 
The wooded clefts of the Cotswolds or the rich expanse 
of the golden valley of the Severn in summer, and the 
daily drive in the perfect winter climate of Mentone, were 
to him a constant delight. When over ninety he would 
never fail to watch the sun setting across the Mediter- 
ranean, softly repeating to himself Byron's lines : 

" Parting day 

Dies like the dolphin, whom each pang imbues 
With a new colour as it gasps away, 
The last still loveliest, till 'tis gone and all is gray." 1 

In home-life he was a pattern of courtesy. His servants 
1 Childe Harold, Canto IV., stanza xxix. 


both in India and in England were devoted to him, and 
scarcely ever left him except in the case of marriages or 
deaths. If anything occurred to fret him he never allowed 
himself to utter a hasty word, but went quietly to his own 
room and remained there. " It is good," he used to say on 
such occasions, " to commune with your own heart and be 
still." He was not inclined to discuss religious subjects, 
and would sometimes repress unwarranted attempts to 
draw him out by quietly observing, " I do not care to talk 
about the unknowable." The assumption of exclusive 
salvation sometimes put forward by British Christians 
made him indignant. Almost the only retort he ever made 
was to the sneer of a worthy Dean who questioned whether 
there was anything in Buddhism. " Sir," replied Hodgson, 
" Buddhism is simply the creed most widely spread over 
the face of the earth. It has more followers than any other 
religion in the world, and it is older than our own. It has 
a vast and learned literature. Perhaps you might find it 
not unworthy of the attention of an educated man or even 
of a dignitary of the Church." 

During the whole period that I knew him, the last 
twenty-five years of his life, he had reached a calm beyond 
the perturbations of worldly ambitions and honours. It 
was only by accident that one would have discovered that 
the genial and dignified host at Alderley was an honoured 
member of the most exclusive Societies of Europe. I 
doubt, indeed, whether any Englishman of our century 
received distinctions from so many learned bodies repre- 
senting both the scientific and the scholarly sides of 
research. Certainly no Englishman who spent his life in 
India has ever done so. Those who knew Hodgson best 
thought of the man himself, and very little of the rewards 
that might have come to him. But to those who did not 
know him, this Life would be incomplete without a reference 
to the recognitions conferred on him from the Member- 
ship of the Institute of France, and the Fellowship of the 
Royal Society in England, to the Honorary Membership 

1691 - -CTAT 91. 

xv.] CONCLUSION. 333 

of the great Societies of Italy, Germany, America, and 
India. 1 

It was a reputation not confined, however, to the 
honours 1 lists of learned bodies. Hodgson had a living 
existence in the world of younger scholars and naturalists 
as remarkable as his own personal vitality in old age. In 
the animal kingdom many species and genera of mammals 
and birds bear his name.- In the vegetable kingdom he 
is remembered by the genus Hodgsonia tieterodita and 
by the beautiful rhododendron which Sir Joseph Hooker 
dedicated to him. Almost every work on Indian Buddhism, 
Indian ethnology, or the non- Aryan languages of India 
written during the past three-quarters of a century begins 
by grateful acknowledgment of his labours. The re- 
ferences to him in the writings of Professor Max Miiller 
the Orientalist of genius of our age would make a 
little index by themselves. The epoch-making Buddhist 
treatise of the first half of the century Burnouf s Lotus 

1 The following is a list of some of them, arranged in order of 
time : 

1828. Corresponding Member of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great 

Britain. Vice-President of the Society 1876. 

1832. Corresponding Member of the Zoological Society, London. 
Received their medal 1859. 

1834. Corresponding Member of the Academy of Science, Turin. 

1835. Fellow of Linnean Society. 

1837. Corresponding Member of the SocUte Asiatique de Paris \ Gold 


1838. Chevalier of the Legion of Honour. 

1844. Corresponding Member of the Institut de France. 

1845. Honorary Member of the Natural History Society of Frankfort. 

1845. Honorary Member of the Natural History Society of Man- 


1846. Honorary Fellow of the Ethnological Society, London. 
1854. Honorary Member of the Asiatic Society, Bengal. 

1858. Honorary Member of the American Oriental Society, New 


1862. Honorary Member of the German Oriental Society. 
1877. Fellow of the Royal Society. 
1889. Honorary D.C.L., Oxford. 
See Appendix D, pp. 37&-37S. 


de la Bonne Lot 1 was dedicated to him. One of the 
greatest works on Indian ornithology published in the 
second half of the century was dedicated to him. 2 Twenty- 
five years ago, at a time when his personality was still 
somewhat dim to me, I dedicated my book on the Bengal 
Musalmans to him as the Indian scholar who had " most 
fully recognised the duty of studying the people." 

His earthly honours are past. His memory and his 
example live. He had the art of beautifully growing old, 
and perhaps the best reward that life can give a loved and 
loving old age. After eighty-five his memory began to lose 
its middle distance, but to the end he preserved his keen 
intelligence as to the present and rich stores of recollections 
of the more distant past If a regret ever crossed his mind, 
it was a self-questioning whether he had used to the end 
his powers of labour. The publication of his Collected 
Works in three volumes after the age of seventy-four would 
have satisfied the conscience of most men. When his old 
friend Sir Joseph Hooker, on his last visit to him the day 
but one before his death, gave a sigh over all the unfinished 
work he, Sir Joseph, had on hand, Hodgson exclaimed, 
" Do not complain of work ! Thank God you have got it 
to do, and can do it. The hardest work of all is idleness." 
On a previous occasion : " I would not like to be thought 
an idler. I have done work in my day. It is now time 
for me to stand aside, and leave it to younger men. 1 
have received my due, and more than my due, for anything 
that I have done." 

With these words I may fitly end this book, which is 
only a narrative of work. The nearer and dearer relation- 
ships of a life which has so recently closed are not for the 
publk eye. From such publicity he himself would have 
shrunk. When asked if he would like a gathering of 

1 Published posthumously by the French Government, d VImprimcric 
Nationale, in 1852. 

* The Game Birds of India, Burma, and Ceylon, by Hume and 
Marshall. Calcutta, 1879, and in subsequent years. 

xv.] CONCLUSION. 335 

friends for his silver wedding, which took place about a 
month before his death, he replied, " No, it is a festival of 
the heart, and sacred to ourselves." She who knew him 
best writes : " More than all that he did was what he 
was in himself. The simplicity and nobility of his nature 
most of all impressed me. He was one of those men with 
whom you felt that cveiy word came from the heart." 
Any praise of his work or congratulations on his wonderful 
vigour in old age he always gently put aside, with Xdptrt 
8 Beov eifii o eipt, " By the grace of God I am what 1 

He passed away painlessly on May 23rd, 1894, in his 
ninety-fifth year, and lies buried in the quiet churchyard 
of Alderley. 





THE manuscripts collected by Mr. B. H. Hodgson may be arranged 
under the following four heads : 


Discovered by Mr. Hodgson in Nepal in 1824, and distributed as 
follows between 1827 and 1845 : 

VI. (a) To Calcutta, in 1827. Given originally to Library 

of Fort William (now in Bengal Asiatic Society's 

Library) 66 

Vll. To Calcutta. Library of Asiatic Society of Bengal 

(some of these were copies made for the Society) 94 
I. (b) To Royal Asiatic Society of London, 1835-36 . 79 
II. (c) To India Office Library, London ... 30 

IV. (d) To the Bodleian Library, Oxford .... 7 
(e) To Paris 

VIII. Given to Societe Asiatique 2 . . .24 

V. Copied for them 64 

III. Given to Burnouf 59 

The two latter collections are now in Bibliotheque Nationale 

Total . . 423 

Note by B. H. Hodgson. N.B. In 1844, on my return to India, I gave .ill 
my sastras to Burnouf. These latter were on Burnouf s death purchased by the 
French Government, and are now in the Biblioth6quc Nationale at Paris. 

1 For the list of these works, see reprint of Mr. Hodgson's Essays (Triilmer, 
1874), pages 36 to 39. Most of them are forthcoming in the lists of distribufons 
that follow. B. II. H. 

a Professor Cowell writes, February, 1880, to Mr. B. H. Hodgson "Twenty- 
four more are mentioned as also received in the same Journal, Vol. III., p. 316, 
but no catalogue is given. I have a private list of them. These are still in the 
library of Soci&e* Asiatique." For list sec page 353. 




A. Complete Copy of the Kahgyur (Kanjur) and Stangyur (Tanjur), 
or Sacred Codes of Tibet (334 Vols.). 

This superb edition was procured by Mr. Hodgson in 1838 from 
the Grand Lama of Tibet, and is now deposited in the India Office 

B. The Yum, or Tibetan Translation of the Prajna Paramita (Folio, 
5 Vols.). 1 

Procured by Mr. Hodgson in Nepal, and given by him to the British 
Museum * in 1845. 

C. Various Tibetan Translations presented to Asiatic Society of 

3. A MASS OF MSS., MOSTLY IN SANSKRIT, Explanatory of the 
Buddhist Drawings, presented to France in iSjS. 3 Now in the Library 
of the French Institute. 

AND ENGLISH, amassed during Mr. Hodgson's residence in Nepal, 
for the full exposition of the history, institutions, races and tongues, 
revenue and commerce, of that country. Presented to the Secretary 
of State for India in 1864, and now deposited in the India Office 

The following lists show the names of the Sanskrit manuscripts 
distributed by Mr. Hodgson, and their places of deposit, so far as 
can now be ascertained. 4 

1 A and Bare not MSS. , but stereotype print, beautifully executed the alphabet, 
like the substance, derived from India, the printing from China. B is the large 
version of the original or Sata-sahas-rika.- W0& by B. H. H. 

2 I make this statement on the authority of Mrs. Hodgson. 

3 See Journal des Savants for 1863. 

4 I have to thank Professor Max Mtiller, Professor Cowell, Mr. Bendall, and 
Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio, for their kind assistance in the compilation of these lists. The 
original transliteration is preserved in each of the lists ; but the names are rendered 
uniformly (on the Clarendon Press system) in the alphabetical index at the end. 




HODGSON MSS. in the Royal Asiatic Society's Library, catalogued 
by PROFESSORS COWELL and EGGELING, and published in the 
Journal of the Society, Vol VIII., New Series (1876). 

THE manuscripts of Buddhist works described in the following pages 
were collected in Nepal by Mr. Brian Houghton Hodgson, and presented 
by him to the Royal Asiatic Society in 1835 and 1836. The great im- 
portance of a thorough examination of the Buddhist Sanskrit works of 
Northern India, both for Prakrit philology and for Buddhist research, is 
becoming more and more apparent ; and it seemed very desirable that 
the contents of this collection, which, though deficient in many of the 
standard works, is perhaps the finest of original manuscripts in Europe, 
should become better known to scholars interested in these inquiries. 
A detailed analysis 1 of the works was beyond the scope of the present 
catalogue, as it would in many cases be extremely difficult, if not impos- 
sible, without comparing other copies. It is hoped, however, that the 
brief description now offered will, at least, suffice for the identification of 
the works, and will ior that reason be acceptable to Sanskrit scholars. 

The Newar era, in which many of these MSS. are dated, commenced 
in October, 880 A.D. This number has accordingly to be added to 
the Nepal date to obtain the corresponding Christian year. 

The material of the MSS. consists of Indian paper, unless otherwise 
stated. By modern MSS. are intended such as appear to have been 
written within the present century. 

N.B. Mrs. Hodgson has kindly undertaken the responsibility for re- 
vising the following Lists and the special Index to themincluding their 
orthography. They are reproduced substantially from my published 
Catalogue of Sanskrit Manuscripts collectedin Nepal by Brian Houghton 
Hodgson, Esq., F.R.S. (Trubner, 1881). 

1. Ashtasahasrika Prajnaparamita. Complete in thirty-two chapters. 

204 palm leaves. 22^ in. by 2\ in. Six lines in a page. Old. 

2. Ganda-vyuha. 289 palm leaves. 22^ in. by 2 in. Six lines in 

a page. 

3. Dasabhumisvara. 137 leaves (paper). 14 J in. by 3 in. Five lines 

in a page. Modern MS. 

4. Samadhiraja. 219 leaves. 13! in. by 3^ in. Six lines in a page. 

Dated Sam-vat 920 (A.D. 1 800). 

> This analysis has been in good part since made by Rajendra Lala Mitra, 
in his Nepalese Sanskrit MSS. 


5. Saddhannalankavatara-Mahayanasutram. 157 leaves. Hi in. by 

3f in. Six lines in a page. Modem MS. 

6. Saddharmapundarika. 174 leaves. 17 in. by 3 in. Six lines in 

a page. Modern. 

7. Lalitavistara. 320 leaves. 15] in. by 3 in. Six lines in a page. 

Dated Samvat 875 (A.D. 1755). 

8. Suvarnaprabhasa. 86 leaves. 13 in. by 3^ in. Six lines in a page. 

Dated Sanwat 942. 

9. Mahavastuavadanam.-~36o leaves. 17 in. by 5^ in. Eleven lines 

in a page. Dated Samvat 933 (A.D. 1813). 

10. Ratnapariksha by Buddhabhatacharya. 35 leaves. 13 in. by i\ in. 

Dated Samvat 764 (A.D. 1644). 
A treatise on gems and precious stones (Hera, vaidurya, etc.). 

11. Sarvakatadanavadanam. 20 leaves. io in. by i\ in. Five lines 

in a page. Dated Samvat 916 (A.D. 1796). Wanting fol. 18. 

12. Sugatavadanam. In twelve chapters. 85 leaves. 12 in. by 2| in. 

Five lines in a page. Modern MS. 

13. Bodhicharyavatara. In ten parichchhedas. 47 palm leaves. 12^ 

in. by i in. Five lines in a page. Old. The shape of the 
figures and of some letters is very peculiar. 

14. Asvaghosha-Nandimukha-Avadanam [? Vasudharavratam ] . 52 

leaves. ii in. by 3^ in. Six lines in a page. Modern MS. 
Very incorrect. 

15. Uposhadhavadanam and Doshanirnayavadanam. 22 leaves. 14-?, 

in. by 3 in. Five to seven lines in a page. Modern Foil. 1-14, 
1 6 and 22 have been supplied by a later hand. 

16. Syama-Jatakam and Kinnari-Jatakam. 39 leaves. 14^ in. by 3{, 

in. Seven lines in a page. Modern. 

17. Svayambhupuranam. 20 leaves. 13 in. by 2| in. Six lines in a 

page. Dated Samvat 77 1 (A. D. 1651). 

18. Mahat-Svayambhupuranam. In eight adhyayas, corresponding with 

the chapters of the preceding work. 173 leaves, numbered 1-69, 
90-193. 13 in. by 4j in. Six lines in a page. Modern writing. 

19. Gunakarandavyuha. 205 leaves. i6J in. by 3 in. Five lines in 

a page. Dated Samvat 927 (A.D. 1807). 

20. Sukhavativyuha-Mahayanasutram. 65 leaves. io in. by 3 in. 
. Five or six lines in a page. Dated Samvat 934 (A.D. 1814). 

21. Karunapundarika-Mahayanasutram. 204 leaves. 14 in. by 3! in. 

Six lines in a page. Dated Samvat 916 (A.D. 1796). 

22. Chaityapungava. 12 leaves, paged 12 to 34. 13 in. by 3 in. Five 

lines in a page. 

23. Madhyama-Svayambhupurana (? thus outside), or(?) Svayambhud- 

desa. In ten chapters. 107 leaves. 13 in. by 3^ in. Five 
lines in a page. Modern writing. 


24. Karandavyuha-Mahayanasutram. 138 leaves. io| in. by 3 in. 

Five lines in a page. Modern writing. 

25. Vadikavadanam and Gandharvikavadanam. 31 leaves. n| in. by 

3^ in. Six lines in a page. Modern writing. 

26. Punyaprotsahanam (?). 24 leaves. io in. by 4 in. Six to eight 

lines in a page. Dated Sanmai 905 (A.D. 1785). 

27. Dvavimsati-(punyotsaha-)avadanam. 108 leaves. 13 in. by 2| in. 

Six lines in a page. Written in the latter part of last century. 

28. Lokesvarasatakam by Vajradatta. 26 leaves. 9 in. by 2^ in. Five 

lines in a page. Dated Samvat 764 (A.D. 1644). 

29. Sragdharastotram with Tika. Thirty-seven sections. 39 leaves. 

7 in. by 3^ in. Five lines in a page. Modern writing. 

30. Stotrasangraha. 14 leaves. 8J in. by 2 Jin. Five or six lines in 

a page. Modern writing. 

31. Bhadrakalpavadana-Stotrasangraha. - 46 leaves in one continuous 

roll, the writing covering 69 pages. 7 A in. by 3$ in. Six lines 
in a page. Modern writing. 

32. Ekavimsatistotram (Tarastotram). 4 leaves. 9 in. by 3 in. Five 

lines in a page. Modern writing. 

33. Bhadracharipranidhanam. In 56 (? 57) couplets. 7 leaves. 10 in. 

by 3 in. Six or seven lines iii a page. Dated Nepala-Samvat 
942 (A.D. 1822). 

34. Namasangiti-tika, entitled Gudhapada. In fifteen chapters. 180 

palm leaves. 12 in. by 2j in. Seven lines in a page. Old. 
Some pages are sadly defaced. 

35. Naxnasangiti-tippani, entitled Amritakanika. Another commentary 

on the same work ; and other treatises. 62 leaves, numbered 
7-55, 66-78. 12 in. by 2 in. Ten lines in a page. Very minutely 
written about the end of last century. 

36. Bhairavapradurbhava-natakam. 115 leaves, n] in. by 6 in. Ten 

lines in a page. The first leaf is missing. 

37. Samputodbhava. In eleven kalpas % each of to\\r prakaranas. 127 

palm leaves. 12 J in. by if in. Five lines in a page. Old. 

38. Samvarodaya-mahatantram. In 33 patcdas. 94 leaves, nj in. 

by 3$ in. Five lines in a page. Modern writing. 

39. Yogambaratantram. 27 leaves. 10 in. by 3 in. Five lines in a 

page. Modern and careless writing. 

40. Dvatrimsatkalpa-mahatantraraja. Two chapters (kalpas) only, 

viz. the Hevajra and the Dakinijasamvara-mahcUaniram. 48 
leaves. 12 in. by 3 in. Six lines in a page. Modern writing. 

41. Krishnayamaritantra-tika. In fifty-four patalas. 182 leaves. 1 3 in. 

by 2| in. Five lines in a page. Modern handwriting. 

42. Kriyapanjika, by Kuladatta. In tint&prakaranas. 46 leaves, u in. 

by 3| in. Seven lines in a page. Oldish. 


43. Tattvajnanasamsiddhi-tippani. Incomplete at the end. 8 palm 

leaves. I2J in. by if in. Six lines in a page. Old, 

44. The Aparardha of the Guhyasamaja. In fifteen patalas. 121 

leaves. 10^ in. by 3j in. Six or seven lines in a page. Modern 
careless handwriting. 

45. Pindapatravadanakatha. 9 leaves. io in. by 2^ in. Five lines 

in a page. Modern. 

46. Ekallaviratantram [Chandamaharoshanatantram]. In twenty-five 

patalas. 50 palm leaves. 8J in. by 3 in. Seven or eight lines 
in a page. Old. 

47. Mahakalatantram. In thirty patalas. 53 leaves. loj in. by 3 in. 

Seven lines in a page. Dated Samvat 921 (A.D. 1801). 

48. Bhutadamaratantram. In twenty-six patalas. 57 leaves. 13 in. 

by 3^ * n - Five lines in a page. Modern writing. 

49. Kalachakra-tantram. In five patalas. 180 leaves, loj in. by 

4 in. Six lines in a page. Modern writing. 

50. Sarvadurgatiparisodhanam. 99 leaves. 8J in. by 2| in. Five 

lines in a page. Modern writing. 

51. Durgatiparisodhani. Apparently part of the preceding work, 

though differing in the beginning. 31 leaves. 12 in. by 3 in. 
Five lines in a page. Dated Samvat 919 (A.D. 1799). 

52. Tantraslokasangraha. 154 slokas. 13 leaves. ioj in. by 3 in. 

Eight lines in a page. Oldish. Much worm-eaten. 

53. (Gitapustakam.) A collection of 139 vernacular hymns, without 

title, the above designation being given on Mr. Hodgson's 
slip. 76 leaves (of which I, 70, and 75 are missing). 8| in. 
by 3 in. Five lines in a page. Dated (after hymn 133) Samvat 
825 (A.D. 1705). 

54. Kankirna-tantram. 26 leaves (and three patrankas). loj in. by 

3J in. Seven lines in a page. Dated Samvat 944 (A.D. 1824). 

55. Dharani-sangraha. 240 leaves. 15 J in. by 4 in. Six lines in a 

page. Dated Samvat 91 1 (A.D. 1791). 

56. Pancharaksha. 152 leaves. 12 in. by 2j in. Five lines in a page. 

Dated Samvat 887 (A.D. 1767). Some leaves have been supplied 
by a more modern hand. 

57. Pancharaksha. 40 leaves. 10 in. by 2$ in. Five lines in a page. 


58. Vasudhara-dharani. 21 leaves. 14 in. by 3 in. Five lines in a 

page. Dated Samvat 759 (A.D. 1639). 

59. A collection of Dharanis, called Saptavara on the wrapper. 26 

leaves. 8 in. by 2& in. Five lines in a page. Oldish. 

60. Grahamatrika. Identical with the last portion of the preceding MS. 

13 leaves. 9^ in. by 2| in. Five lines in a page. Dated Samvat 
818 (A.D. 1698). 


61. Pratyangira-dharani.i4 leaves. 9j in. by 3 in. Five lines in a 

page. Written in the last century. 

62. Manjusri-pratijna.- 22 leaves. 10 in. by 3 in. Six lines in a page. 

Written A.D. 1835. 

63. Satasahasri Prajnaparamita. The second Khanda, from the I2th 

to the 25th parivarta. 329 leaves. 15 in. by 7 in. 17-20 Hues 
in a page. Modern. 

64. Meghasutram. The 64th and 65th parivartas. 32 leaves. uA in. 

by 2j in. Five lines in a page. Modern. 

65. Adhivasanavidhi. Partly vernacular. 200 loaves. 12 j in by 3^ in. 

Six lines in a page. Modern handwriting. 

66. Prayogamukham. On the philosophy of grammar. 48 leaves. 

1 1 in. by 3^ in. Six or seven lines in a page. Dated Samvaf 
918 (A.D. 1798). 

67. Anumanakhaiidam. 69 palm leaves. 12 in. by 2] in. Eight or 

nine lines in a page. Old. 

68 Shadangayoga-tippani. 29 palm leaves. 12 in. by 2 in. Six or 
seven lines in a page. Oldis.i. - 

69. Adikarmapradipa. 13 palm leaves (of which fol. u is missing). 

12 J in. by 2 in. Five lines in a page. Old. The date (in the 
reign of Devapala ?) is given at the end in letters. It requires 
some familiarity with the character to make out the writing. 

70. Poshavidhanam. 6 palm leaves, i iA in. by 2 in. Seven lines in 

a page. Old. Apparently formulas and invocations. 

71. Ahoratravratakatha. In slokas. 8 leaves. 14 in. by 3 in. Six 

lines in a page. Written in the latter part of last century 

72. Balipujavidhi. On Tantric ceremonial. Partly vernacular 40 

leaves folded into one continuous roll. 7| in. by 2j in. Five 
lines in a page. Dated Samvat 908 (? 808). 

73. Nishpannayogambali [yogambaratantram]. 66 leaves. 12 in. by 

3 in. Six lines in a page. Dated Samvat 944 ( A.D. 1 824 ). 

74. Dravyagunasangraha. A treatise, in slokas, on various subjects 

connected with cookery and eating. 30 palm leaves. 1 2 in. by 
i in. Six lines in a page. Dated Samvat 484 (A.D. 1364). 

75. Kamasastram. Vernacular. In thirteen pratichchhedas. Cleaves. 

13J in. by 2^ in. Six lines in a page. Last century. 

76. Ashtamivratamahatmyam. Vernacular (Newari). 60 leaves 8J 

in. by 3 in. Six lines in a page. 

77. Mahapratyangira-mahavidyarajni-Dharani. 21 leaves of blackened 

paper. 8 in. by 2j in. Five lines in a page, written alternately 
in yellow and white paint, there being three of the former and 
two of the latter. Dated Samvat 944 (A.D. 1824). 

78. Dhvajagrakeyura-Dharani. 3 leaves. Size, paper, and handwriting 

as in the preceding MS. 


79. Collection of Dharanis. 21 leaves. Size, paper, and handwriting 

as in preceding MSS. Generally three white and two yellow 
lines in a page. Cf. No. 59. 

80. Satasahasrika Prajnaparamita. These huge volumes had escaped 

the notice of Messrs. Cowell and Eggeling, but were found by 
Professor Bendall upstairs. See his letter of April loth, 1888, to 
the Academy. 


SANSKRIT MSS. presented to the India Office Library by 

1. Panchamaharakshasutra. 15. Sikhasamuchchaya. 

2. Sphotikavedya, by Narada. 16. Namashtottarasataka. 

3. Kamaratna. 17. Durgatika, by Jagaddhara. 

4. Tattvakaumudi (commen- 18. Bodhicharyavatara, by San- 
tary on Maghakavya, by Bhava- tideva. 

datta). 19. Avadanasataka (called Sata- 

5. Suprabhastava. kavadanakatha). 

6. Bhimasenanamadharani. , 20. Saradatilaka. 

7. Vajraviramahakala mantra- 21. Dharmasangraha. 
rajahridayadharani, by Vajravira 22. Vagvatitirthayatraprakasa, 

8. Ganakamandana, by Nandi- 


9. Pushyamahatmya. 
10. Sarasangraha, by Chanakya. 
u. Syamarahasya, by Purnan- 

12. Haravali. 

13. Chaurapanchasika, with a 

14. Lokanathasundarashtaka, j 

by Gauridatta. 

23. Gunakarandavyuha. 

24. Sragdharastotra (2743 <*)" 

25. Dasakrodhaviradhyana. 

26. Padmapanika stuti. 

27. Pratyangirastotra. 

28. Astrology. 

29. Alphabets. 

30. Sragdharastotra (2473 ).* 


PP- 330-336 of Burnouf's "Catalogue des Livres Imprimes 
et Manuscrits" (Paris, 1854). 

i. Dacabhuim^vara, Tun des 9 Dharmas (livres canoniques) des Bud- 
dhistes. Oblong, 142 fol. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 
(No. in Catalogue 73.) 

2 Prajna paramita; recueil philosophique qui renferme la partie 
speculative du Buddhisme ; Tun des neuf livres canoniques des 


Buddhistes. 423 fol. Avec une vignette servant de front ispice. 
I gros vol. oblong, belle ecriture. Caracteres Devanagaris 
Nepalais (74). 

3. Samadhiraja, le Roi de la Contemplation. Ouvrage narratif, 1'un 

des 9 Dharmas, ou livres canoniques de Bnddhistes. Caracteres 
Sanskrits du Nepal. i vol. oblong (75). 

4. Le meme que le precedent. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. i vol. 

oblong, 205 fol. (76). 

5. Tathagata-gouhyaka, 1'un des neuf Dharmas (ouvrages canoniques) 

des Buddhistes. i vol. oblong, belle ecnture sanskrite du Nepal, 
255 fol. (77) 

6. Gandavyuha. L'un des neuf Dharmas (livres canoniques) Bud- 

dhiques. Ouvrage narratif. Oblong. Caractere Sanskrit du 
Nepal, 362 fol. (78). 

7. Le meme.que le precedent. Oblong. Caract. Devanagaris Nepalais, 

295 fol. provenai.t de la vente de M. E. Jacquet, a qui M. 
Hodgson 1'avait envoye en 1835 (79). 

8. Le meme que le precedent. Tres-beau man use. oblong. Caractere 

Sanskrit Nepalais, 427 fol. (80). 

9. Lankavatara. Descente a Tile de Lanka. L'un des neuf Dharmas, 

ou livres canoniques des Buddhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du 

Nepal, 159 fol i petit vol. oblong (81). 
10. Suvarnaprabhasa, la splendeur de 1'eclat de Tor. Traite philo- 

sophique consider^ comme 1'un des neuf livres canoniques des 

Buddhistes, Caract. Sanskrits DevanSgaris, 120 fol. I vol. 

oblong (82). 
n. Prajnaparamita, ou la perfection de la Sagesse. L'un des livres 

fondamentaux du Buddhisme Nepalais, ouvrage ecrit en Sanskrit, 

avec les caracteres D6vanagaris du Nepal. Ce beau et precieux 

manuscrit m'a etc donne par M. Hodgson en 1837 (Note de 

M. E. Buniouf). \ vol. oblong, 302 fol. (83). 
(2. Meghasutra. Traite Buddhique, 1'un de ceux qui sont considered 

comme reveles par Cakyamuni lui-mOme. Caractrre Dcvandgari. 

i petit vol. oblong, 39 fol. (84). 

13. Sukhavativyuha. Traits Buddhique, du genre cle ceux que Ton 

nomme Mahayanasutras, servant de grand v^hicule ; tres v6ne"r6 
des Buddhistes Nepalais. (Voir 1'Introd. a THistoirc du Bud- 
dhisme indien, p. 99 et suiv.) Caract. Sanskrits Devanagaris. 
i vol. oblong, 64 fol. (85). 

14. Lalitavistara. Histoire de Cakyamuni, depuis sa naissance jusqu'a 

sa mort. L'un des ouvrages reputes sacres au Nepal. II est 
ecrit en Sanskrit, en prose m6iee de vers ; les gathas ou stances 
portent de nombreuses traces de prakrit. 
Ce beau manuscrit, qui a ete ecrit avec le devanagari de 


N6pl, m'a ete envoy6 de Katmandu par M. Hodgson, en Avril 
1836 (Note de M. E. Burnouf).i vol. oblong, 232 fol. (86). 

15. Le meme que le precedent. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 

I vol. oblong, 262 fol. (87). 

1 6. Dipamkaravadana. Legende du Buddha futur nomme Dipamkara. 

Belle ecriture devanagari. I vol. oblong, 51 fol. (88). 

17. Vasantatilaka. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal Petit traite en 

I'honneur de Vadjra Sattva, le sixieme des Buddhas surhumains, 
selon les Nepalais. Un petit vol. oblong, 16 fol. (89). 

1 8. Bodhitcharyavatara. Caracleres Sanskrits du Nepal. Legende de 

Bodhitcharya ; livre buddhique. I vol. oblong, 55 fol. (90). 

19. Mahavastu. Grande Collection d'histoires. Recueil de legendes 

relatives an fondateur du Buddhisme et a ses contemporains. 
Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. I vol. oblong, 398 fol. Envoye 
par M. Hodgson, Mai, 1841 (91). 

20. Karanda Vyuha ou Gunakarandavyuha. Construction de la Cor- 

beille des Qualites. Poeme a la louange d'Avalokitecvara, le 
plus venere des Bodhisattvas. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 
i vol. oblong, 63 fol. (92). 

21. Meme titre que le precedent, mais ecrit en prose. Parait etre le 

recit primitif qui a servi de texte au poeme. ( Voir 1'Introduction 
a 1'Histoire du Buddhisme indien, pp. 220 et 221.) Caracteres 
Sanskrits du Nepal, un peu cursifs, mais tres-soignes. i petit 
vol. oblong, 92 fol. (93). 

22. Mahavastu avadana. Legendes buddhiques. Caracteres Sanskrits 

du Nepal. i vol. oblong, 532 fol. (94). 

23. Djatakamala "La Guirlande des Naissances." Legendes bud- 

dhiques. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. Oblong, 191 fol. (95). 

24. Kriyasangraha " Kecueil de Ceremonies " (Buddhique). Carac- 

teres Sanskrits du Nepal. Oblong, 1 12 fol. (96). 

25. Divyavadana. Legendes buddhiques. Caracteres Sanskrits De- 

vanagaris. i vol. oblong, 447 fol. Envoye par M. Hodgson (97). 

26. Divyavadana. Recueil de Legendes buddhiques. Caracteres 

Devanagaris. Oblong, 231 fol. (98). 

27. Saddharmapundarika <( Le Lotus de la Bonne Loi." Caracteres 

Devanagaris. i vol. oblong, 224 fol. (99). 

28. Le m&ne que le precedent. En Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 

* Oblong, 205 fol. (100). 

29. Durgati pari^odhani. Traite buddhique. Caracteres Sanskrits du 

devanagaris. Oblong, 101 fol. (101). 

30. Vajrasana sadhana mala. Traite philosophique a 1'usage des Bud- 

dhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. Oblong, 153 foL (102). 

31. Bhuvanadipika. Traite buddhique. Caracteres devanagaris du 

Nepal. Oblong, 85 fol. (103). 


32. Pancharakcha. Ouvrage buddhique. (Voir Introduction a 1'Histoire 

du Buddhisme indien, p. 462.) Caracteres Sanskrits du N6pal- 
Oblong, 140 fol. (104). 

33. Nadiparikcha. Traits buddhique, incomplet Caracteres San- 

skrits du Nepal. Oblong, 5 fol. (105), 

34. 7 feuilles manuscrites, sur lesquelles sont ecrits en forme dt tableaux 

les uoms des divinite~s honore~es par les Buddhistes, et quelques 
formules de prieres. Caracteres de~vanagaris tres-lisibles. Deux 
de ces feuilles jont a deux colonnes ct portent unc traduction en 
persan (106). 

35. Atcharyakriya-Samutchtchaya. Traite rituelique a 1'usage dcs 

Buddhistes, Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. i vol., 163 fol. (107). 

36. Dharanisangraha. Fecueil de formules magiques (Buddhique). 

Tres-belle ecriture devanagari. Oblong, 168 fol. (108). 

37. Mahamantranusarini Ouvrage buddhique, qui traite des Mantras 

on formules magiques. Cararteies Sanskrits dOvanfigaris - i vol. 
oblong, 158 fol. (109). 

38. Samvarodayatantra. Ouvrage qufcontient des prieres, des iormules 

magiques, ct des details des diverses ceremonies, usitces che/ 
les Buddhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. i petit vol. 
oblong (no). 

39. Bhutadamara Tantra. Traite buddhique du genre dcs precedents. 

Caractere devanagari. Un petit vol. oblong, 47 fol (HI). 

40. Samputodbhava Tantra. Traite mystique a 1'usage des Bud- 

dhistes. Caractere devanagari. Un vol. oblong, 135 fol. (112). 

41. Pratyangira Mahavidya. Petit traite relatif a la deesse Durga on 

Parvati, d'apres les id6es emprunt6es aux CivaVstes par les 
Buddhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du N6pal. Un petit vol. 
oblong, 28 fol. (i 13). 

42. Dharmakocavyakhya. " Commentaire sur le Tresor de la Loi." 

Ouvrage philosophique qui traite des diverses sectes buddhiqucs. 
Caractere devanagari. Un vol. oblong, 583 fol. (114) 

43. Abhidhanottarottara. Traite buddhique. Caracteres Sanskrits du 

N6pal. -Un petit vol. oblong, 215 fol. (115). 

44. Le rnfime que le pr6c6dent. Caracteres Sanskrits du N5pal Un 

petit vol. oblong, 154 fol. (116). 

45. He Vadjratantra. L'un des Tantras, ou rituels ascetiques dcs 

Buddhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. Un petit vol. 
oblong, 66 fol. (117). 

46. Le meme que le pre*cdent. Caracteres Sanskrits du N6pal.~ Uu 

petit vol. oblong, 55 fol. (118). 

47. Mahakala Tantraradja. Ouvrage ascetique qui renferme des for- 

mules myst^rieuses et divinatoires en usage chez les Buddhistes. 
Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. -Un petit vol. oblong, 62 fol. (i 19). 


48. Le m&me que le precedent. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. i 

petit vol. oblong, 47 fol. (120). 

49. Karavira Tantra. Traite ascetique a 1'usage des Buddhistes. 

Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. i petit vol. oblong, 102 fol. 


50. Krichnayamari-tantra. Traite Buddhique du mfime genre que le 

precedent. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. I petit vol. oblong, 
60 fol. (122). 

51. Le mgme que le precedent. Buddhique. Caracteres Sanskrits du 

Nepal. i petit vol. oblong, no fol. (123). 

52. Yogambara Tantra. Traite Buddhique du mme genre que les 

precedents. Caractdres Sanskrits du Nepal. i petit vol. oblong* 
63 fol. (124). 

53. Suprabhata Stotra. Stances en 1'honneur de Buddha. Beaux 

caracteres devandgaris. i petit vol. oblong (en paravent), 32 
plis (125). 

54. Vadjrasutchi. Traite de polemique contre la division des castes. 

Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 5 fol. oblong. Le texte de cet 
ouvrage a ete lithographic et traduit en anglais (126). 

55. Vadjrasutchi. Caracteres Sanskrits devanagaris. i vol. oblong, 16 

fol. (127). 

56. Kalyana-Pantchavimcatika Stuti. Vingt-cinq stances pour in- 

voquer les Divinites Buddhiqnes. ( Voir le Lotus de la Bonne 
Loi, pp. 500 ct 501.) Caracteres devanagaris. i petit vol. 
oblong, 4 fol. (128). 

57. Buddhavinaya. Traite de discipline Buddhique. Caracteres de- 

vanagaris du Nepal. i petit vol. oblong, 102 fol. (129). 

58. Djvalavalitantra. Traite mystique (buddhique). Caracteres San- 

skrits du Nepal. Oblong, 79 fol. (130). 

59. Suvarnarprabha. La splendeur de 1'eclat de 1'Or. Traite mystique 

a 1'usage des Buddhistes. Caracteres Sanskrits du Nepal. 
Oblong, 120 fol. (131). 


In the Bodleian Library, Oxford. 
(From Printed Catalogue of Sanskrit MSS. at Oxford by ProC Aufrecht.) 

i . Lit. Nepal. Folia palmarum 99. 

t a. Foil. 1-68. Karandavyuha-mahayanasutra. Buddh. 

t b. Foil. 69-99. Gosringaparvatasvayambhuchaityabhattara- 

koddesa, libellus in octo capita (parichheda) divisus, auctore 

Gayachandra. Buddh. 


2. Lit. Nepal. Charta Ind. Foil. 61. 

t Kallaviratantra, vel Chandamaharoshanatantra, in viginti quin- 
que patala divisum. Buddh. (Ekallasiratantra in Cowell & 
Eggeling's list.) 

3. Lit. Nepal. Charta Ind. Foil. 74. 

t Sukhavativyuha-mahayanasutra. Buddh. 1 

4. 5. Lit. Nepal. Charta Ind. Vol. L, foil. 141 ; Vol. II., foil. 145. 

t Prajnaparamita, capp. 1-32. Buddh. 

6. Lit. Nepal. Cha^ta Ind. Foil. 195. 

t a. Foil. 1-173. Dharani, invocatioues et formulae mystica\ 

t b. Foil. 174-195. Kapisavadana, capita decem. Buddh. 

7. Lit. Nepal. Charta Tnd. Foil. 190. 

t Lalitavistara, Sakyamunis Buddhos vita. Buddh. 


M. B. H. HODGSON a fait copier an Nepal pour le compte de la 
Societe Asiatiqnc, et qui oni ktc preskntks an Conseit dans sa 
stance du nJuillel, 1837.* (" Journal Asiatiquc? Illme Stric, 
Tome IV., 296-98 ; 1837.) 



! a! * 

jj ? O"oJ 

J V 




H 4} ff 



H I 

i. Rakcha bhagavati Prathamakhanda . 




2. Rakcha bhagavati Dvitiyakhanda 




3. Rakcha bhagavati Tritiyakhanda 




4. Rakcha bhagavati Tchaturthakhanda 




5. Pantchavimcatisahasrika . 




6. Svayambhupurana . 
7. Samputodbhavatantra 



2 5 



8. Kakchaputantra 




9. Pantchakrama . 




10. Pantchakramatippani 




ii. Rachtrapalavadana . 




12. Sugatavadana 
13. Bodhitcharyavatara . 




14. Kapicavadana 




15. Upochathavadana . 
16. Kathinavadana 




2 5 2 

1 Principal authority for Buddhism in Nepal, and first work issued (original 
text) by Clarendon Press. B. H. H. 

2 L'original dc ce catalogue, cent en Sanskrit, et date* du 29 Septembre, 1836, .1, 
par decision du Conseil, &e* dpos6 dans Ics archives de la Socie'te'. 



id ^ 

i s >- 

H) V 




1 1 


H> ! 

17. Pindapatravadana .... 




1 8. Lokecvaracataka 




19. Cringabheri 




20. Lankavatara . . 

1 06 



21. Svayambhupurana mahat 



22. Mahavastu avadana .... 




23. Acokavadana 




24. Djatakamala 




25. Manitchudavadana .... 



26. Tchhandomritalata .... 




27. Sumagadhavadana . 




28. Abhidhanottarottara .... 




29. Vinayasutra . . 
30. Avadanakalpalata 




31. Suvarnavarnavadana 




32. Ratnavadana 


8,1 18 

33. Saptakumarikavadana 




34. Buddhatcharitakavya 




35. Satclitchakratavadana svalpa 




36. Satclitchakratavadana vrihat 




37. Bhutadamaratantra . 



38. Kriyasamutchtchayatantra 




39. Sahakaropadecavadana 




40. Dharmakocavyakhya 




41. Bhadrakalpavadana . 




42. Karunapundarika .... 




43. Ahoratravratakatha .... 



44. ^ardulakarnavadana 




45. Nagapudja 
46. Dvavimcaty avadana .... 





47. Nichpannayogambaratantra 




48. Ratnaparikcha 




49. Djvalavalitantra 




50. (^atavadana 




51. Divyavadana ... 




52. Sadhanamalatantra .... 




53. Kalpadrumavadana .... 




54. Kriyasaoigrahatantra 




55. Dacabhumicvara .... 
56. Mandjucriparadjika .... 
57. Vadjrasattvaparadjika 

f l 8 




58. Lokecvaraparadjika .... 



1 60 

59. Marmakalikatantra ... 65 



60. Varahikalpatantra .... 




61. Buddhoktasamsaramaya . 




62. Vasantatilakatantra .... 




63. Virakucavadana .... 




64. Vajrasutchi 







LIST OF 66 SANSKRIT BUDDHIST WORKS obtained from the Library 
of the College of Fort Wittiam, and forwarded thereto iry 
B. H. HODGSON, ESQ., from Nepal. Some of the titles arc 
uncertain; others have been identified and corrected from the 
manuscripts in the preceding five lists. 

i. Prajnaparamita Sata Sahas- | 33 Bodhicharya (Buddhichana- 

! kya?). 


2. Prajnaparamita, in 18,000 
verses. Pancha vingsati sahas- 

3. Prajnaparamita, in 8,000 
verses. Ashtasahasrika. 

4. Gandavyaha. 

5. Dasabhumiswara 

6. Lankavatara 

7. Saddharmapundanka 

8. Suvarnaprabha 

9. Svayambhupurana. 

10. Guiiakarandavyuha 

1 1 . Mahavastvavadnna 

12. Asokavadana. 

13. Bhadrakalpvadana 

14. Jatakamala. 

15. Manichudavadana 

1 6. Dwavinsati Avadatia. 

17. Nandimukha Avadana. 

1 8. Karunapundarika 

19. Chhandomritalata. 

20. Sragdhara. 

21. Dharanimantrasangraha. 

22. Pratyangira. 

23. Pancharaksha. 

24. Pratyangira. 

25. Pancharaksha. 

26. Pratyangira. 

27. Paranathanama. 

28. Sugatavadana. 

29. Sukhavativyuha. 

30. Kriyasangraha. 

31. Suratnaratnakara. 


34. Magadhavadana. 

35. Chaityapnngava. 

36. Pindapatravadana. 

37. Ganapati-hridaya. 

38 Nagapuja. 

39 Maliaknlatantra 

4u. Abhidharmottarottara. 
41. Skanda])iirnna 
J.2. Vinayasutra. 
43. Kalpalatavadana 
44 Gitapustaka. 

45. Stotrasangrahn 

46. Divyavadana 

47 Ratnapariksha. 

48 Suvaniavadana (prabha). 

49 Kalyana-panchavimsatikastuti 

50. Sringab'heri. 

51. Katnamalavadan 

52. Virakusavadana 

53. Virakusavadana. 

54. Kavikumaravadana. 
55 Suchandravadana. 

56. Uposliadhavadana. 

57. Durgatiparisodhana. 

58. Dharmakoshavyakhya 

59. Supra vartasubha. 

60. Kapisavadana. 

61. Satyavadana. 

62. Sapta-kumarikavadana. 

63. Sardulakarnavadana. 

64. Sringabherivratavadana. 

65. Kalpalatavadana. 

66. Vajrasuchi. 

32. Prayogamukha. 

i There are redactions in 25,000, 18,000, and 8,000 respectively. 




LIST OF SANSKRIT BUDDHIST WORKS in the Library of the Asiatic 
Society of Bengal. Compiled by RAJENDRA LALA MITRA, ESQ. 

1. Abhidhanottara. 

2. Abhidharmakosha-vyakhya. 

3. Asokavadana. 

4. Avadana-sataka. 

5. Aparimita-dharani. 

6. Bhadrakalpavadana. 

7. Bodhicharyavatara. 

8. Bodhisattvavadana. 

9. Bodhisattavadana-kalpalata. 

10. Buddha-charita. (Written 
in the Bengali character, and 
bound in book form. Not brought 
from Nepal.) 

11. Buddhachanaka. 

12. Chhandomrita-lata. 

13. Chaitya-pungava. 
Chaitya-pungava(2nd copy). 

14. Dasabhumisvara. 

1 5. Dharani-mantra-sangraha. 

1 6. Durgati-parisodhana. 

17. Dvaviwsatyavadana. 

ijb. Dhvajagra-keyura Dharawi. 

1 8. Ga;/apatihridaya or Dhva- 

19. Graha-matrika 

20. Gandavyuha. 

21. Grahamatrikadharari. 

22. Gutfakarandavyuha. 

23. Gita pustaka. 

24. Himavat Khanda 

25. Kalyanamandira-stotra-tika. 

26. Kalyana-pancha-viwsati. 

27. Kapisa-avadana. 

28. Kriyasangraha. 

29. Kriyasangraha-panchaka. 

30. Kavikumaravadaua. 

31. Karandavyuha. 

32. Kusajataka. 

33. Kalpalatavadana. 

34. Karunapundarika. 

35. Kuttinyavadana. 

36. Lanka vatara. 

37. Lalitavistara. 

38. Lokesvara-sataka. 

39. Mahavastvavadaiia. 

40. Manichudavadana. 

41. Manana Vedanta. 

42. Mahakala tantra. 

43. Mantravali. 

44. Mahasahasrapramardini. 

45. Mahamayuri. 

46. Madhymaka-vritti. 

47. Nagapuja. 

48. Nirghantumatrika. 

49. Namasangiti. 

50. Pancha-raksha Mahapra- 

51. Puja-paddhati r in 13 parts. 

52. Prajna-paramita, in 5 parts 
complete. Sat a Sahasrika 100,000.' 

53. Prajna-paramita, in 3 parts. 

$4. Do. Ashtasahasrika. 

55. Prajna-paramita tika. 

56. Do. Panchavitfzsati. 

57. Parnasavari. 

58. Pindapatravadana. 

59. Prasasti. 

60. Pratyangira. 

61. Prayogamukha. 

62. Ratnamalavadana. 
62^. Rudra-kalpavadana. 

1 This is the largest version of the Prajna-paramita, in 100,000 verses. There 
are three redactions, in 25,000, 18,000, and 8,000 respectively. 52. 53, and 541 
denote them. R II. H. 


63. Saddharma-pundarika. 79. Surya-prajnapti tika. 

64. Sardula-karnavadana. 80. Suvarnavarngavadana. 

65. Samadhiraja No. 816. 81. Svayambhu Purana. 

66. Saptakumarikavadana. 82. Sapta-vara. 
67 Sringabheri 83. Sr*tyavadana. 

68. Sringabheri- vratavadana. 84. 

69. Suchandravadana. 85. Tathagata-guhyaka. 

70. Sugatavadana. 86 Uposhadhavadana. 
71 Sukhavativyuha 87. Ushnisha vijaya. 
72. Suprabhata (Supra varta 88. Vasundhara-vrata. 

stava.) 89 Vasundhara stottara sata- 

73 Suvarna-prabha. nama. 
74. Svayambhu-purana 90 VajravHarana 

/5 . Saptavam 91. Vajrasuchi. 

76. Satyavadana. <j2 Vinayasutra. 

77 Sragdharavathna uka 93 Vratavadanamala. 

78. Sumagadhavadana. ' 94 Virakusa avadana. 


HODGSON to the Asiatic Society of Paris in 1835. List in 
handwriting of B. H. HODGSON, dated Nepal, November 1835, 
as per letter to BURNOUF of November 2$/Jt, 1835, found by 
MRS. HODGSON 1894. Same as mentioned by Professor 
Co well. See note to first page of Appendix A. 

i. Gunakaranda Vyuha. ' 14. Swayambliu Puran 

2 Gitapushtaka Tantra | 15 Chaitya Pungava. 
3. Stotra Sangraha. 16 Dharani Sangralia. 

4 Sumbrodaya Tantra. 17 Karanda vyuha 

5. Durgati Purisodhani. 18 Ashta Sahasrika Pra)na 

6. Sukhavati Vyuha. Paramita. 

7 Tarasatanama 19. Gnnda Vyuha 

8. Sragdhara 20. Sad Dharma Pundarika. 

<> Karvira Tantra. 21. Lalita Vistara. 

10 Bhadra Chari Sloka. 22. Tathagata guhyaka. 

n. Pancha Raksha. 23. Samadhi Raja. 

12. Maha Kala Tantra 24. Suvarna Prabhasa. 

13. Pratingira-dharani 



The capital Roman numerals in this index refer to the individual List*; the 
smaller figures to the number of the VIS. in Ike Li*t 

Abhidhanottarottara, in. 43, 44; 

28; vii. i. 

Abhidharma-koshavyakhya, vn. 2. 
Ahhidharmottarottara, vi. 40. 
Adhivasanavidhi, I. 65. 
AdikarmapradijM, I. 69. 
Ahoratravrat.tkatha, i. 71 ; v. 43 
AX-aryaknya-samu/taaya. ill. 35. 
Alphabets, u. 29. 
Anumanakh.iMf/a, i. 67. 
Aparardha of tin- Guhyasani^Ti (The), 

i 44 

Apatimitadharawi, vii. 5. 
Ash/amivratamahatmyn , I. 76. 
AshAisahabnka-pra^iiaparamita, I. T ; 
vin iS. Scu- Pragnnparamita. 

Avokavadan.i. v 23; vi. 12, vu. 3. 

Astrology, 11 28. 

\ waghosha-nandimukha-ax adana , i 

Xv.uianakalpal.ita, v. 30. 

Avadan.u.itaka, 11. 19; vn. 4. 

Balipii^avidhi, i. 72. 

Bhudi.i Chan Sloka, viu. 10. 

Hhadtvik.ilpavadnna, v. 41 ; vn 6. 

I ttiadrakalpavadanastotrasangraha, i. 


Bhadra&iripia/ndhana, i. 33. 
Bhadravad.uiii, vi. 13. 
Bhairavapradurbhavana/aka, i. 36. 
Hhirnascnananiadharai, n. 6. 
Bhutiu/amaratantra. i. 48; in. 39; v. 


Uhuvamulipikti, in. 31. 
Ilodhi&iryavadana, vi. 33. 
fiodhi^aryavatara, i. 13 ; 11. 18 ; HI 

18 ; v. 13 ; vn. 7- 
Hodhisattvavadana, vu. 8. 
Uodhisattv.wadanakalpalata, vn. 9. 
liuddha^tnnaka, vu. n. 
Huddha/-aritakavya, v. 34 ; vu. 10. 
Buddhavmaya, in. 57. 
Buddhoktabamsaramaya. v. 61. 
Cbait>a Pungava, i. 22 ; viu. 15. 

3a^abhumijvara, i. 3 ; in. i , v. 55 , 

vi. 5 ; vn 14 

[)a.vakrodhaviradhyana, u. 25. 
Dhaniifi. iv. 611. 

)harai (Collection of), i 59, 79. 
>haraiii-mantra-bangraha. vii. 15 
)harawisangraha, i. 55 ; ill. 36 ; vi 21 ; 

viu. 16. 

>h.irniako5avyakhya, ill. 42 ; v. 40 
Oharmakoshavyakhya, \i 58 
Dharmasangraha, u. 21 
Dhv.\pigrAhaki'yiira-dharawi, I. 78 ; vn. 


Dipankaravadana, in. 16. 
Divyavadana, HI 25, 26 ; \. 51 ; vi. 46 
Dr.wy.u;utfasaiigrah.i, i 74 
Durg.i/ik i, 11 17 
Durban pan/'/'X/oda, \i. 57 
Durban Pansoda, \ ill 5 
Durgaliparundhana, vn 16 
I)ur^atip<irivodhani, i. 51 ; in. 29. 
Dvatnmjatkalpci-nicihalantrara^a, I 40. 
Dvavi/wjkati-(pu//> otsaha-)avadana, i 

27 , vu. 17. 

Dvaviwfatyavadana, v. 46 ; vi 16. 
Ekallaviratantra [A"a7/^aniaharoshaa- 

tfintra], i 46 
Ekaviwratistotra, I. 32. 
Gawakaniawt/ana, n. 8 
Gawapati-hrrdaya, vi. 37 ; vu. 18 
Gawrfavyuha, i. 2 ; in. 6, 7, 8 ; vi. 4 ; 

vu. ao ; viu. 19 

f/atakamala, in 23 ; v 24 , vi. 14. 
Gitapustakd, i. 53 ; vi. 44 ; vu. 23. 
Git pubhtaka Tantra, viu. 2. 

/arakodde.ra, iv i^ 
Grahamatr/ka, I. 60 ; vu. 19. 
Grahamutnka-dhara/zi, vu. 21. 
Guwakara</avyuha, I. 19; u. 23; III 

20, 21 ; vi. 10 ; vn. 22 ; vm. i. 
C7valavahtantra r ill 58 ; v. 49 
Haravali, u. 12. 
He Vajratantra, ui. 45. 46. 



Himavat-khattda, vn. 24. 
A'aityapungava, I. 32 ; vi. 35 ; vii. 13 ; 

viii. 15. 

Kakshaputantra, v 8 
Kala&tkratantra, i. 49. 
Kallaviratantra, or A'Aa//</am.iharosha- 

7/atantra, iv 2. 
Kalpadnrnmadana, v. 53. 
Kalpalatavadana, vi 43, 65; vii. 33 
KalyaAmnndira-stotra-/ika, vn. 25 
K.alya/M-pan(i\Mirtati, vii. 26. 
Kalyaaa-panavi0/5atika-stuti, in. 56, 

vi 4<> 

Kamaratna, li 3 
Kam.uastra, I. 75 
Kunkir/ftilcintia, f 54 
Kajmavadnna, i\. ' / , \ 14, vi oo , 

\u 27. 
Karatfi/avyuha-mahayan isutii, 1 

Ml 20, 21 ; a. itt , \n 31 ; viii 17, in 40 , \ui. <> 
KaruMupu//</.inka-in.ihayan.isiilra, I 

21 f v 42; \ J 18; vn. 34 
Kathmavadana, v. 16 
A'auraptin&uika, n. 13 
Kavikumaravadana, vi S4 . vn 30 
AV/andomr/talata, v 26 , M i< y ; MI 

1 2. 

Kribh/Myaniaritantra, in 50, 51. 
Kr/shwayamantanlra-/ik,i, i 41. 
Knyapai\pka, i 42 
Knyasamu^atantra, \. 38. 
Knya&angr.ihn, in 24; vi 30; vii. 28 
Knya&ingiaha-panXraku, vn. 29. 
Knyasangrah.itiintra, v. 54. 
Ku^a^ataka, vn. 32 
Ku//mya\adana, vii. 35. 
Lalitavistara, i 7 j in. 14, 15 ; iv. 7 ; 

MI. 37 ; viii 21 
Lankavatara, in y, v 20; VI. 6; 

VII. 36. 

LokanathaMiiKl.ira&h/aka, II 14, 
Lokcvvarapara^ka, v 58 
Lokejvararataka, i. 28 ; v 18 ; vn. 38. 
Madhyamaka-vrmi, vn 46. 
Madhyama-j>vayambhuj)uraa, 01 Svay- 

ambhuddcja, i 23. 
Magadhavadana, vi 34 
Mahakalatantra, i. 47 ; vi. 39 ; vn. 42 ; 

VIII. 12 

Mahakalatantraru^a, ill. 47, 48. 
Mahamantranusarun, Hi. 37. 
Mahamnyun, vn. 45 


ra//i. i. 77. 

Mahasahasraprainardmi, vn. 44. 
Mahat-sxayanibhupurawa, I. 18. 
Mahavastu, Hi 19. 
M aha \tistv.nadana, I 9, 

22 ; vi n , MI 30 
Mananavt'daHt.i, vii 41 
M i!i;'utripar.iika, V. 50 
Maii^aunprati^ia, I. 02 
Ma//iA'Ui/a\.ida!ia, v. 25 , \ i 15, vii 


MantravMj, MI 43 
M.innakahkcilanlr.i, \ 59 
Mo^h.istura, i <>4 , in 12 
Nruhpaiiksha, in 33 
N.ij;.>|)'^, V. 15 vi 38, vn 47^iti, \ M ^> 
Nanij->an i iiJti-/ika, I. 34 
N.inia^iiii^iti-tippani, J 35 
N^un.ish/ott.tiasataka, n. 10 
N.indiinukiiav.ulana, M. 17. 
Nir^haw/uniatiika, Ml 48 
NishpannayoKambali { vogainbaratan 

tuij, i. 73 

NislipannayoKainbar.Uantra, v. 47 
I'adinapa/nkastiUi, 11. 26. 
J^in/'akiaiiia, V. <> 
Pan/'akrarna/ippa//!, v. 10 
I'anXMinaharakshasiitra, li. i 
J \inX\iraksha, i 5^,57; ill 32; vi. 23. 

25 , VII 50; VIII. JT 

P,maviwjatisnhnsnk,i, v. 5, \ I 27 
P.u/Mhuwin, vn 57. 
l j iwyapati,ivadana. V. 17. VI. 36; vn 


IV/f/.ipatravadanakatha, I. 4S- 
Poshavuiti.ina, i 70 
I'ra^napanmiita, i. i t 63; in 2, n , 

IV. 4, 5, vi. i, 2, 3; vn. 52-56, 

vin 18 

I'rai isti, vn 5*> 

I'ratyangu.t. vi 22, 24, 26, vn 60 
Pratyangirudharawi, I 61 ; viii 13. 
iVdtyangir.uiiahavidya, in. 41 
l > rat>angirastoira, u. 27. 
1'r.iyogamukhd, i 66 . vi. 32 , vn 61 
I'u^a-paddhati, vn. 51 
Puwyaprotsahana, i 26. 
I*ushyamihatmya, 11 9. 
Kaksha-bhagavatJ, v. 1-4. 
Ka&hfrapalavadaiu, v. zi. 



Ratnamalavadana, VII. 62. 
Ratnapariksha, i 10 ; v. 48 ; vi. 47. 
Ratnavadana, v. 32 ; vi. 51. 
Rudrakalpavadana, vn. 62^. 

i- 5- 
Saddharmaputt</anka, i. 6 ; ill. 27, 

28; vi. 7 ; vn. 63 ; vui. 20. 
Sadhanamalatantra, v. 52. 
Sahakaropadcjavadana, v. 39. 
Suakratavadanasvalpa, v. 35. 
Sa/Wakratavadanavn'hat, v. 36. 
Samadharaja, i. 4 ; in. 3, 4 , vn. 65 ; 

vui. 23 

Sampu/odbhav.i, i. 37. 
Sampu/odbhavatantra, in. 40, v 7 
Sazvarodnyaniahatantra, i. 38. 
Sajwvarodayatantra, in. 38. 
Saptakumankavadana, v. 33 , vi 62 , 

n. 65. 
Saptavara (a collection of Uharawib), I 

59 i vii. 75. 82 
Saradatilaka, n. 20. 
Sarasangraha, n. 10. 
.SarduUkar/Mvadana, v. 44 , vi 63 ; 

vii 64 

Sarvadurgatiparifodhatiti, i 50 
Sarvakut.u/anavadana, I. it. 
.S'alasahabrika Sec Pragnapaianut.i, 

J. 63. 

jSalavadan.i, v. 50. 
Salyavailana, vi. 61 ; vn. 70, 83 
Sharfangayoga/ippawi, I 68 
Aikhasaniu/t/t;iy;i, n. 15 
Skandapuratta, vi. 41. 
Spho/ikavrdy.1, u. 2. 
Sragdhara, vi. 20 ; vui. 8. 
Sragdhar.ibtutr.i, U 24, 30. 
Sragdharastotra with Ak.i, i. 29. 
Sragdhara\adnna-/)ka, vn. 77. 
Vrmgabhen, v u> ; vi. 50; vii. 07. 
SringahhcimaUxadana, vi. 64, vn. 


Stotrasangraha, i 30 ; vi. 45 ; MIL 3. 
Sugiitavadiina, i. 12; \. 12 , vi 28; 

Ml. 70 

Su^andriiv.xdana, \ i. 55 , Ml. 69 
Sukhavatwyuha-mahayana&utrA, I. 20 , 

i\\, 13 , iv. 3 ; vi 29 ; vii. 71 , vui 6. 
Sumagidhavad.ina, v 27 , vn. 78. 
Sumbrodaya Tantra \ HI. 4. 

Suprabhastava, n. 5. 
Suprabhata, vn. 72. 
Suprabhatastotra, in. 53. 
Supravarta.rubha, vi. 59. 
Suratnaratnakara, vi. 31. 
Suryapra^napti-Aka, vn. 79. 
Suvarwaprabha, in. 59 ; vi. 8 ; Vll. 73. 
Suvarwaprabhasa, I. 8 ; HI. 10. 
Suvarwavarwavadana, v r . 31 ; vi, 48 ; 

vii. 80. 

SwarnaPrabha, vui 24. 
Swayainbhupurawa, i. 17, 18, 23 ; v. b ; 

vi. 9 ; vn. 74, 81 ; vm. 14. 
Swayambhupurawamahat, v. 21. 
.Syama-^ataka and Kmnari-gataka, i. 


^yaniarahasya, n n. 
Syain.i Jatakant, i 16. 
Tantra jlokasangraha, i. 52. 
Tai-a.satanama, vn 84 , vm. 7. 
Tathiigataguhyaka, ill. 5 ; vn. 85 ; 

vni. 22. 

r rattva;nianasawsiddhi-tippawi, I. 43. 
Tattvakaumudi, n. 4. 
Upo&hadhavaddna, vi 55; vn. 86. 
Uposhadhavadiina and Doshaniraaya- 

vadaiui, i. 15. 
Upobhathavadana, v 15 
Ubhffisha-\ifsiya v MI 87. 
VrK/ikavtidanaand fjaiulhaivikavadan i, 


Va^T,isannat>a(llhinriinala, in. 30. 
VuT<i:>attvaparank.i, v 57. 
Va^T.isiL&i, in 54, 55 ; v. 64 ; vi. bb ; 

vn. 91. 

V\\$TAviddraa, vn. 90 
Va^nrav irainahakalanianti ara,almdaya- 

dliarawi, n. 7 

V.igva/, II. 22. 
Varahikalpatantia. v 60. 
Vasantatilaka, in 17 
VasaiHatjlakat antra, v. 02. 
V<u>udh<iradhara//i, I 58 
Vasundhara-stottra-iatauama, vn. 89. 
Vii&undhara-vrata. vn 88. 
Vniayasutra, v 29 , vi 42 ; vn. 92. 
VirakiuawuUn.i, \. 63; vi. 52, 53, 

Ml. 94. 

Vratavadanamala, vn, 93 
Yogambaratantra, I. 39; ill. 52. 




Aitgitst 2tui, 1864 

To the RIGHT HON. SIR C. WOOD, G.C.B., M.P., Secretary of 
State for India. 

SIR, Having recently submitted to the summary inspection ol 
Mr. Hall, Librarian of the India Ofiice, a great mass of MSS., collected 
during a long course of years by me in Nepal, when Resident at the 
Court of Kathmandu, with a view to illustrate the natural and civil 
history, the literature, languages, religion, institutions, and resources 
of that little-known country, and Mr. Hall having concurred with me 
in opinion that these materials, how crude soever their present state, 
are eminently calculated to subserve the ends for which they were 
gradually amassed, and also that by being deposited in the India 
Ofiice Library they are most likely to be turned to fitting use, I hereby 
beg to tender them to your acceptance for the said Library, and to 
acquaint you that lists in English and Hindi oi the contents of the 
MSS. are in the hands of the Librarian. I may mention, summarily, 
that these MSS. contain inter alia : 

I St. Twenty-three Vasavalis, or Native Chronicles, partially trans- 
lated and chronologised by the help of coins and inscriptions. 

2nd. A great mass ot original documents, relative to the land revenue 
and to the custom duties. 

3rd. Ditto relative to the Army its amount, discipline, distribution, 
system of payment, tribes constituting the soldiery, etc., etc. 

4th. Ditto, relative to the law and legal administration. 

5th. Ditto, relative to the general Ethnography its amount and 
constituents, lingually and physically considered. 

6th. Ditto, relative to the customs and manners of the population. 


7th. Register of Barometer and Thermometer kept at Kathmandu 
during several years, and tables of prices. 

8th. Topography, being twenty-two itineraries, sketches, maps, etc., 

9th. A large mass of papers, relative to the prevalent religion, or 
Buddhism, in fifty-eight separate bundles of papers. 

loth. Ditto, relative to the languages and literature, being thirty-six 
Sanskrit sastras, and seventeen Lepcha and fourteen Limbu books. 

I have the honour, etc., 



TRUNK No. i. 

The first large bundle contains the Chronicles of the Kings of Nepal 
in twenty-five lesser bundles, which are divided into two parcels, the 
one containing the Vasavalis of the Newari dynasty, the other those 
of the Gurkhali dynasty. 


ist. Of Raja Pratap Mall. 

2nd. Oi the Shepherd Kings (Gopal) of Nepal, or the early mythic 
history, in nine parts. 

3rd. Dates of reigns of Kings of Kathmandu, Bhatgaon, and Patan, 
from coins, 1 inscriptions, etc., etc. 

4th. History of Raja Vishnu Mall of Patan. 

5th. Chronicles of the Kings of Nepal, Newari, and Gurkhali, and 
of the tatter's connexion with Chitor, given to me by the late Sovereign 
of Nepal. 

6th. History oi Raja Mahendra Mall. 

7th. History of Nepal, according to the Buddhists and to the 

8th. Persian translation of 7th. 

9th. Jit Mohan's (my khardar or scribe) abstract of all the above. 

loth. Sundry papers, mostly repetitions of the first eight documents 

i Uh. History of Raja Siddh Nar Siuh of Patan. 
12th. English translations of the Vasavalis, in two volumes, with 
some Persian addenda,- both by my office people. 

1 Coins annexed. 



1st. A large roll given to me by the King of Nepal (Rajendra Bikram 
Sah), containing the Chronicles of the Sovereigns of his (the Gurkhali) 

2nd. History of the conquest of Garh (Garhwal) given to me by 
Balbhanjan Pandi (a member of the Ministry in my time). 

3rd. Royal and Thappa Vasavalis, given to me by Matabar Singh 
Thappa (late Prime Minister). 

4th. Account of Raja Ran Bahadur Sah. 

5th. Names of the successive Rajas and Chiefs of Nepal, from the 
time of Raja Nar Bhupal to that of Rajendra Bikram Sah (the late 

6th. The Family Histories of the Rajas and Chiefs. 

7th. Chronology of the above from coins, etc. 

8th. History of Raja Prithvi Narayan Sah. 

9th. Brahmanical Statement ol tbe Early History oi Nepal, from the 
Hem vat Khand of the Skand Puranaf 

loth. Hist or}', from Raja Prithvi Narayan Sah to Ran Bahadur Sah. 

nth. A Gurkliali Vasavali. given to me by Lakshmi Bilas (Court 

12th. Account of the Regent Ran Bahadur. 

1 3th. English translations oi the above, by my office people, in 
five volumes. 

TRUNK No. i. The scamd large bundle. 

It contains, in five lesser bundles : 

ist. Hindu Drama on the Death ol Kansa, us acted before the 
Court and Embassy, with some English remarks on the representation. 

2nd. Various Itineraries, in Nagri, in Persian, and in English, twenty- 
tuo in all. 

3rd. Account of the Institutions and Customs (Sthithi) of the Newars. 
got from Nilgirvanand (one of the judges of the chief metropolitan 
tribunal in my time). It contains an account of their annual festivals, 
after the Almanack ; of their classification, or Jat-Mala ; and of their 
agriculture, including a large collection of original Talpatras, or title 
deeds, the whole included in eight lesser bundles, and some of them 
translated into English or Persian. 

4th. Thirty-six papers relative to Buddhism, as detailed in the Nagri 
list hereto appended. 

5th. Twenty-two more papers relative to Buddhism, as per list 
just named. 




Drawn up under Mr. Hodgson's supervision, 1 but not including his zoological 
papers, which form Appendix D to this book. The more important of 
his still unpublished materials in the India Office Library arc shown 
separately as Appendix B. 

THE following are the heads under which the papers are set 
down : 

I.- -Physical Geography of Himalaya and Tibet. 
II. Topography of ditto. 

III. Ethnography of Tibet, Himalaya, Western Indo-China and 
India (Turanian or Non-Aryan). 
IV. Buddhism. 
V. Literature and Antiquities. 

VI. Hindu Law and Legal Practice, as seen in Nepal. 
VII. Miscellaneous. 

VIII. On National Education for the People of India. Included 
among " Books " (No. i). 

IX. On Trans-Himalayan Commerce, by the Line of N'epal In- 
cluded among " Books " (No. 4). 

X.- -Collected Works , three volumes, 1874 and 1880. 
The total number of the papers, as per following list, is 184 , of the 
books, 4 , and of the volumes of collected works, 3. 


1. Letters on National Education for the People of India, styled Pre- 

eminence of tin* Vernaculars. Scrampore : 1st Edition, 1837; 
4th Edition, 1847. 

2. Literature and Religion of the Buddhists of the North. Serampore : 


1 I thank Dr. Oliver Codrington foi kindly checking this list from the Asiaiu 
Researches and Journals of the Bengal and the Royal Asiatic Societies. 


3. Aborigines of India. Vol. ist on the Kooch, Bodo, and Dhimal. 

Calcutta: 1847. 

4. No. XXVII. of Selections from the Records of the Government of 

Bengal. Calcutta: 1857. 


1. Essays on the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal and 

Tibet, together with papers on the Geography, Ethnology and 
Commerce of those countries. TrObner: 1874. I Vol. 

2. Miscellaneous Essays relating to Indian subjects, in two volumes 

Trubner: 1880. 2 Vols. 

The scattered papers to be next given appeared in the subjoined 
publications, here quoted in full for the better understanding of the 
curt style of citation below. 

1. Researches of the Asiatic Sr Ady of Bengal. 

2. Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal. 

3. Gleanings in Science, being Prinsep'* Precursor oi Journal of ditto. 

4. Transactions and Journal of the Agri-Horticultural Society ol 


5. Bengal Sporting Magazine. 

6. Meerut's Universal Magazine. 

7. Corbyn's India Review. 

8. M'Clelland's Journal of Natural History. 

9. Madras Asiatic Society's Journal of Literature and Science. 

10. Quarterly Oriental Magazine. 

(The above 10 in India.} 

11. Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society. 

12. Journal of ditto. 

13. Proceedings of the Zoological SociVty of London. 

14. Gray's Zoological Miscellany. 

15. Annals and Magazine of Natural History 

( The In \t 5 /// 

Now for the List as classified above 


1. Physical Geography of Himalaya. Joitrn. Asiat. Soc. 

Vol. XVIII. (1849). Reprinted in Selections from Records of 
Government of Bengal. 

2. Two Papers relating to the Himalaya and Mount Everest Grot. 

Soc. Proc. t Vol. I. (1857), pp. 343-351- 


i. Route from Kathmandu to Tazedo. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI. 

2. Route from Kathmandu to Pekiu, with Remarks on the Physical 

Geography of Tibet. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XXV. (1856), 

pp. 473-497- 

3. Route from Kathmandu to Darjeeling. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. XVII. (1848). 

4. Measurement (Official) of the Great Military Road throughout 

Nepal, from Kumaon to Sikim. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng. 

5. Cursory Account of the Valley of Nayakote. Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

eng. t Vo\. X. (1841;. 

6. The Seven Cosis of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XVII. 


7. Route of two Nepalese Embassies to Pekin, with remarks on the 

Watershed and Plateau of Tibet. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 
Vol. XXV. (1856), pp. 473-497- 


1. On the Languages, Literature and Religion of Nepal. Researches 

Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1828). 

2. On the Military Tribes of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcn%., Vol. IL 


3. On the Newars, or People ol Nepal Proper (Mythic History of, 

from the Swayambhu Purana, etc.). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 
Vol. III. (1834). 

4 and 5. On the Aborigines of the Sub-Himalayas. Journ. Asiat. 
Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 1235-1244; Vol. XVII. (1848), 
pp. 469-477, 547 

6. Comp. Vocabulary of Sub-Himalayan Dialects. Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847), p. 1245. 

7. The Aborigines of Central India. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. XVII. (1848), Pt. 2, pp. 550-558. 

8. Ethnography and Geography of the Sub-Himalaya. Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. XVII. (1848). 

9. On the Chepang and Kusunda Tribes of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

Bcng., Vol. XVII. (1848), p. 655. 

10. On the Trans-Himalayan Tribes of Hor-yeul, Sog, Yeul, and Sifan. 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVII. (1848). 

11. A Brief Note on Indian Ethnology. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. XVIII. (1849). 

1 2. Aborigines of Southern India, fount. Asiat. Soc. Beng., VoL XVIII. 
(1849). PP- 350-359- 


13. On the Tibetan Type of Mankind. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Rmg. % 

Vol. XVII. (1848). 

14. Aborigines of North-Eastern India. Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Peng., 

Vol. XVIII. (1849), pp. 451-460. 

15. Ditto. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Rcng., Vol. XVIII., Pt. 2, pp. 967-976. 

16. On the Aborigines of the Eastern Fiontier (North ol Assam). 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVIII. (1849), ! " - 2 > P1 J - ^7-976. 

17. On the Aborigines of the North-East Frontier (Assam, and South 

of it). Journ Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XIX. (1850), pp. 309-317. 

1 8. Aborigines of the South. Journ. Asuit. Soc. ttcng.. Vol. XIX. 

(1850), pp. 461-466. 

19. On the Koch, Bodo, and Dhimal People. Jouru. Astat. Soc. />>;/#., 

Vol. XVIII. (1847), p. 702. 

20. On the Mongolian Affinities of the Caucasians. Jonrn. Asiat. 

Soc. Bcng., Vol. XXII. (1853), pp. 26-76. 

21. On the Indo-Chinese Borderers, and their Connexion with the 

Himalayans and Tibetans. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XXII. 
(1853), p. 26. 

22. Sifan and Horsok Vocabularies. Journ. Asiat Soc Kcng , Vol. 

XXII., p. 121. 

23 and 24. On the Aborigines 01" the Nilgins. Two papers. Journ. 
Asiat. Soc. Bcng , Vol. XXV. (1856), pp. 31-38, 498-522. 

25. On the Broken Tribes of Nepal (Comparative Vocabularies o). 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Reng , Vols. XXVI. and XXVII (1857-8), 

P- 31 7- 

26. Aborigines of the Eastern Ghauts Jotiru. Asiat Sot />V//^., 

Vol. XXV. (1856), pp. 39-52 

27. On the Kiranti, Bahing, and Vagu Tribes of Nepal. Journ Asiat 

Soc. Bcng., Vol XXVI. (1858), pp. 372, 429, 486 


1. Notices of the Languages, Litfiaturc, and Religion of Nopal and 

Tibet. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVI ( 1X28), p. 409. Reprinted 
in Illustrations of the Literature ami Religion of the Buddhists 
(Serampore, 1841) ; also in Trubwr's Volume of 1874. 

2. Sketch of Buddhism, derived irom the Bauddha Scriptures ol 

Nepal. Transactions oj the Royal Asiatic Society \ Vol. II. 
(1828), p. 222, and Appendix V, p. Ixxvn. Reprinted in Illus- 
trations, p. 49, also in Trubner's Volume of 1874. 

3. On the Extreme Resemblance between many of the Symbols of 

Buddhism and Saivism. Oriental Quarterly Magazine^ Vol. VII. 
(1827), p. 218, and Vol. VIII. (1828), p. 252. Reprinted in Him- 
(rations, p. 203 ; also in Trubner's Volume of 1874. 


4. A Disputation respecting Caste by a Buddhist. Transactions of 

the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. III. (1829), p. 160. Reprinted in 
Illustrations \ also in Trttbner's Volume of 1874. 

5. European Speculations on Buddhism. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. III. (1834), p. 382. Reprinted in Illustrations \ also in 
Trubner's Volume of 1874. 

6. Remarks on M. Remusat's Review of Buddhism. Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Beng. t Vol. III. (1834), pp. 425, 499. Reprinted in Illus- 
trations ; also in Trubner's Volume of 1 874. 

7. Notice of Adi-Buddha and of the Seven Mortal Buddhas. Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Beng. t Vol. III. (1834), p. 215. Reprinted in Illus- 
trations-, also in Trubner's Volume of 1874. 

8. Note on the Inscription from Sarnath. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng. t 

Vol. IV (1835), p. 241. Reprinted in Illustrations', also in 
Tnibner's Volume of 1874. 

9. Quotations from Original Sanskrit Authorities in Proof and Illus- 

tration of the Preceding Article Journ. Asiat. Soc. Seng., 
Vol. V. (1836), pp. 29, 71. Reprinted in Illustrations', also in 
Trubner's Volume of 1874. 

10. Note on the Primary Language of the Buddhist Writings. Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Bctig , Vol. VI. (1837), p. 682. Reprinted in Illus- 
trations ; also in Trubner's Volume of 1874. 

1 1. The Pravyajya Vrata, or Initiatory Rites of the Buddhists, accord- 

ing to the Puja Khnnda. Reprinted in Illustrations. 


1. On Bauddha Inscriptions. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. III. 


2. On Ancient Inscriptions in Characters of the Allahabad Column. 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. ficng., Vol. III. (1834), p. 481. 

3. On Sarnath Inscriptions. Joimt. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IV. (1835), 

p. 211. 

4. On the Ruins of Samaran (Simroun). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng.> 

Vol. IV. (1835). 

5. On Tibetan Inscriptions. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IV. (1835), 

p. 196. 

6. On the Relics of the Catholic Missions in Tibet and Nepal. 1 Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XVII. (1848). 

7. A Translation of the Naipalya Devatu Kaglana. Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. XII. (1843 and 1857). 

1 A collection of books that hnd belonged to Christian missionaries who were 
expelled from North -East Asia by the Mantchu dynasty of China, and which 
were given to Mr. Hodgson by the Grand Lama of Tibet and were by him pre- 
sented to the Tope. These books filled bix boxes. 



1. On the Law and Legal Practice of Nepal. Journal of the Royal 

Asiatic Society, Vol. I. (1834) Reprinted in Miscellaneous Essays 
(Triibner, 1880). 

2. Some Account of the Systems of Law and Police in Nepal Journal 

of the Royal Asiatic Society, Vol. I. (1834). Rt.printfd in Mis- 
cellaneous Essays (Triibner, 1880). 

3. On the Administration of Justice in Nepal. Asiatic Researches, 

Vol. XX. (1836). 


1. On Trans-Himalayan Commerce. \Vritten in 5831 Published in 

Selections from Records of GOT, No. XXVII , in 1X57; also 
reprinted in Trubners Volume of 1874. 

2. On the Paper of Nepal, fovrn A slat. Soc. lien**.. Vol. 1. (1832). 

3 On the Cultivation of Hemp in Nepal. Transactions oj the Agri- 
Litltitral Society of India, Vol tflll. (1838). 

4. On the Silkworms of Indi; Journal of the Agtrculhtrnl Society 

of India, Vol. IV. 

5. On the Wool of Tibet Journal of the Agricultural Sonet v oj 

India, Vol. V. (1846). 

6. On the Colonisation of the Himalaya by Kuropeans. Sfiei/itw\ 

from Records, 1857 ; also in Triibner's Volume oi 1874. 

Mr Hodgson reissued the most important of tin- foregoing paprrs 
in three volumes of collected Essays (one volume in 1874, and two 
volumes in 1880), published by Triibner & Co., London 




Taken from Royal Society Catalogue of Scientific Paj>n s. 1 

1. Account of the Chiru, or Unicorn of the Himalaya Mountains 

(Pantholops Hodgsoni). Tilloch, Phil Mag., Vol. LXVII1. (i 826), 
pp 232-234. Edinb. Journ. Sci., Vol. VII. (1827), pp 163, 164. 
Ferussac, Bull Set. Nat, Vol. XV. (1828), p 141. Froriep, 
Notizen, Vol. XV. (1826), pp. 274-276. 

2. Sur la Portee du Rhinoceros. Ferussac, Dull. Sci Nat , Vol. VII. 

(1826), pp. 436, 437. Fronep, Notizen, Vol. XJV. (1826), 
col. 55. 56. 

3. On the Growth and Habits oi a Young Rhinoceros Ednib. Joitrn. 

Sr/., Vol VII. (1827), pp 165,166. 

4. On a New Species of Rucerns (B Nepalensis) Gleanings hi 

Science, Vol I. (1829), pp. 249-252 

5. On the Chiru, or Antilopc- Hodgsonii, Abel. Gleanings tn Sciettu', 

Vol.11 (1830), pp. 348-351. 

6. On the Bubaline Antelope (Antilope Thar). GLamngs in Science, 

Vol. I. (1831), pp 122, 123, 327. 

7. Some Account ot a New Species of Felis (F. Moormensis). Glean- 

ings in Science, Vol. I. (1831), pp. 177, 178. 

8. On some of the Scolopacidie of Nepal. Gleanings in Science, 

Vol 1 (1831), pp. 233-243 

9. Contributions in Natural History (the Musk Deer and Cervus 

Jarai) Gleanings in Science, Vol. 1. (1831), pp. 320-324. 

10. Description and Characters of the Chiru Antelope (Antilope 

Hodgsonii, Abel). Xool. Soc. Proc., Vol. I. (1831), pp. 52-54. 

1 1. Note relative to the Account of the Jarai. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. I. (1832), pp. 66,67. 

12. Further Illustrations of the Antilope Hodgsonii, Abel. Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. I. (1832), pp. 59-63, ZooL Soc. Proc., 
Vol. I. (i33), PP- I10 ! 

1 Those on ethnological subjects omitted, as they have already appeared in 
Appendix C. Mrs. Hodgson has kindly undertakenthe responsibility for the 
Appendices and their orthography. 


13. On the Mammalia of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Sbc. Bent?., Vol. I. 

(1832), pp. 335-348. 

14. Characters and Descriptions of New Species of Mammalia and 

Birds from Nepal (Felis Moormensis, Antilope bubalina, Buceros 
Nepalensis). Zool. Soc. Proc., Vol. II. (1832), pp. 10-16 ; 
Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVIII. (1833), pp. 178-186. 

15. On a New Species of Buceros (B. Nepalensis), Dhanesa, Ind. 

Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVIII. (1833), PP- 178-186. 

16. On a Species of Aquila (circafctus) and Dicrurus. Asiatic Researches, 

Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, pp. 13-26. 

17. On the Migration of the Natatores and Grallatorcs, as observed 

at Kathmandu. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, 
pp. 122-128. 

IS. The Wild Goat (Capra Jharal) and the Wild Sheep (Ovis Nayaur) 
of Nepal. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, pp. 129- 

19. On the Ratwa Deer of Nepal (<~ervus Ratwa). Asiatic Researches, 

Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, pp. 139-149. 

20. Description of the Buceros Homrai of the Himalaya ; with Ana- 

tomical Observations by Dr. M. T. Bramley. Asiatic Researches, 
Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, pp. 168-188. 

21. Description of the Wild Dog of the Himalaya (Canis primacvus). 

Asiatic Researches, Vol. XVIII. (1833), Pt. 2, pp. 221-237. 

22. Characters of a New Species of Perdix (P. Lerwa). Zool. Soc. 

Proc., Vol. I. (1833), p. 107. 

23. Description and Characters of the Wild Dog of Nepal (Canis 

primaevus). Zool. Soc. Proc., Vol. I. (1833), pp. m, 112. 

24. Note on the Chiru Antelope (Gazella Hodgsoni, Abel). Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. I., pp. 59, 66; Vol. 111., p. 138. 

25. Letter on the Distinction between the Ghoral (Antilope goral, 

Hardw.) and Thar (Antilope Thar, Hodgs.). Zool. Soc. Proc., 
Vol. II. (1834), pp. 85-87. Oken, /sis, 1835, col. 1039 

26. On the Mammalia of Nepal. Zool. Soc. Proc., Vol. II. (1834), 

PP- 95-99- 

27. On the Characters of the Jharal (Capra Jharal, Hodgs.), and of the 

Nahoor (Ovis Nahoor, Hodgs.), with Observations on the Dis- 
tinction between the Genera Capra and Ovis. Zool. Soc. Proc. 
Vol. II. (1834), pp. 106-1 10. Froriep, Notizen, Vol. XLIV. (1835), 
col. 129-134. f:/nstitut, Vol. Ill (1835), pp. 121-123. 

28. Description of the Bearded Vulture of the Himalaya (GypaCtos 

[Vultur] barbatus). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng.> Vol. IV. (1835), 
pp. 454-457. Bibl. Univ., Vol. VIII. (1837), p. 212. 

29. Red-billed Erolia. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. IV. (1835), 

pp. 458-461. 



30. Synopsis of the Thar and Choral Antelopes. Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

Beng., Vol. IV. (1835), pp. 487-489. 

31. On the Wild Goat and Wild Sheep of the Himalaya, with Remarks 

on the Genera Capra and Ovis. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng. t 
Vol. IV. (1835), pp. 490-494, 710. Ann. Set. Nat., Vol. V. (Zool.) 
(1836), pp. 299, 300. 

32. Specific Description of a New Species of Cervus (C. elaphoides). 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. IV. (1835), pp. 648, 649; Vol. V. 
(1836), pp. 240-242. 

33. Synopsis of the Vespertilionidae of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng.^ 

Vol. IV. (1835), pp.699, 700. 

34. Note on the Red-billed Erolia, or Clorhynchus strophiatus. Journ, 

Asiat. Soc. Bang., Vol. IV. (1835), p. 701. 

35. Description of the Little Musteline Animal (Putorices Kathiah) 

denominated Kathiah Nyul in the Catalogue of the Nepalese 
Mammalia. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IV. (1835), pp. 702, 
703. With Postscript to the account of the Wild Goat of Nepal. 
Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IV. (1835), P- 7 ia 

36. Indication of a New Genus of the Carnivora (Ursitaxus inauritus), 

with Description of the Species on which it is founded. Asiatic 
Researches, Vol. XIX. (1836), pp. 60-69. 

37. Description of Three New Species of Paradoxurus (P. hirsutus, 

P. Nepalensis, P. lanigerus). Asiatic Researcfas, Vol. XIX. 
(1836), pp. 72-87. 

38. Notices of the Ornithology of Nepal. Asiatic Researches, Vol. XIX. 

(1836), pp. 143-192- 

39. Description of a New Species of Columba (C. Nepalensis). Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. (1836), pp. 122, 123. 

40. Summary Description of some New Species of Falconidae. Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Bcng. } Vol. V. (1836), pp. 227-230. 

41. Synoptical Description of Sundry New Animals enumerated in 

the Catalogue of Nepalese Mammals. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 
Vol. V. ( 1836), pp. 231-238. 

42. Notes on the Cervus Duvaucelii, Cuvier, or C. elaphoides and 

Bahraiya, Hodgs. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. (1836), 
pp. 240-242. Zool. Soc. Proc., Vol. IV. (1836), pp. 46, 47. 

43. Description of Two New Species belonging to a New Form of 

the Meruline Group of Birds, with Indication of their Generic 
Character (Cochoa purpurea, C. viridis). Journ. Asiat. Soc. 
Beng., Vol. V. (1836), pp. 358, 359. 

44. On a New Genus and Species of the Meropidae (Bucia Nepalensis). 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. (1836), pp. 360, 361. 

45. On a New Piscatory Gentte of the Strigine Family (Cultrungus 

flavipes). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. V. (1836), pp. 363, 364. 


46. Postscript to the Account of Ursitaxus (Meles Labradorius) printed 

in the XlXth Vol. of the Astatic Researches. Journ. Asiat. Sac. 
Bcng., Vol. V. (1836), p. 671. 

47. Note on Zoological Nomenclature. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. V. 

(1836), pp. 751, 752. 

48. Additions to the Ornithology of Nepal. Journ. Asiat. Soc Beng , 

Vol. V (1836), pp. 770-774- 

49. On some of the Scolopacidsc of Nepal. /Cool. Soc. Proc., Vol. IV. 

(1836), pp. 7, 8. 

50. On the Lachrymal Sinus in Antilope Thar and Cervus Aristotelis. 

Zool. Soc. Proc. t Vol. IV. (1836), pp. 39, 40. 

51. On Seven New Species of Vespertilionidae observed in the Central 

Region of Nepal. Zool. Soc. Proc , Vol. VI. (1836), p. 46. 

52. On Three New Genera or Sub-genera of Long-legged Thrushes 

(Tesia, nobis, Larvivora, Paludicola), with Descriptions of their 
Species. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Lcng. t Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 101-103. 

53. Description of Three New Spe -ie of Woodpecker (Picussultaneus, 

Vivia Nepalensis, Picus pyrrhotis) and of Malacolophus melauo- 
chrysos. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 104-109. 

54. Indication of a New Genus of Insessorial Birds (Cutia). Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 110-112. 

55. On a New Genus of the Sylviadae, with Description of Three New 

Species (Yuhina gularis, Y. occipitalis, Y. flavicoliis) Journ. 
Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol VI. (1837), pp. 230-232. 

56. On some New Genera of Raptores, with Remarks on the Old 

Genera. Jonrn. Asiat. Sor. Bcng., Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 361-373. 

57. New Species of Scolopacidae (Indian Snipes). Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), p. 489. 

58. Description of the Gauri Gau of the Nepal Forest (Hi bos subhcma- 

chalus). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), p 499. 
Wiegmann, Archil', Vol. VI. (1840), pp. 263-267. 

59. On a New Genus of the Plantigrades (Urva rancrivora) with an 

Appendix by A. Campbell. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng.. Vol. VI 
(1837), pp. 560-565. 

60. On the Bibos, Gauri Gau, or Gaurika Gau of the Indian Forests 

(Bibos cavifrons, B. tlassirus, B. Aristotelis). Journ. Asiat. 
Soc. Beng., Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 745-749- 

61. Indication of a New Genus belonging to the Striginc Family, with 

Description of the New Species and Type. Madras Journ., 
Vol. V. (1837), pp. 23-26. 

62. On Two New Genera of Rasorial Birds (Lert-a, Arborophila). 

Madras Journ., Vol. V. (1837), pp. 300-306. 

63. On the Structure and Habits of the Elanus mclanopterus. Madras 

Journ., Vol. VI. (1837), pp. 75-78. 


64. On a New Species of Pheasant (Phasianus crossoptilon) from Tibet. 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VII. (1838), pp. 863, 864. 

65. On a New Genus and Two Species of the Fissirostral Tribe (Raya 

sericeogula, R. rubropygea). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VIII. 

(1839), PP- 35, 36. 

66. (Three) New Species of Meruline Birds (Sibia picaoi'des, S. nigri- 

ceps, S. Nepalensis). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VIII. (1839), 

P. 37- 

67. On Cuculus (Pseudornis) dicruroides. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. VIII. (1839), PP- 136, 137- 

68. On Three New Species of Musk (Moschus) inhabiting the Himalayan 

Districts (M. chrysogaster, M. leucogaster, M. saturatus). Journ 
Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. VIII. (1839), p. 202. 

69. Summary Description of Four New Species of Otter. Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. VIII. (1839), PP- 3*9. 3 20 - Ann - Nat - Hist -> 
Vol. V. (1840), p. 27. 

70. On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub- 

Himalaya ; with a Slight Notice of a Strictly Himalayan Species. 
Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IX. (1840), pp. 1183-1186. Ann. 
Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII. (1842), pp. 231-234. 

71. Three New Species of Monkey (S. scliistaceus, hodie Pithex 

oinops, P. pelops), with Remarks on the Genera Semnopithecus 
and Macacus (Pithex, nobis). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. IX. 
(1840), pp. 1211-1213. 

72. Classical Terminology of Natural History. Joum. Asiat. Soc. Bcng.+ 

Vol. X. (1841), pp. 26-29. 

73. On the Two Wild Species of Sheep (Ovis ammonoides, O. Nahoor) 

inhabiting the Himalayan Region, with some Brief Remarks on the 
Craniological Character of Ovis and its Allies. Journ. Asiat. 
Soc. Beng., Vol. X. (1840), pp. 230-234. 

74. Illustrations of the Genera of the Bovinae. Part I. Skeletons of 

Bos, Bibos, and Bison, the Individuals examined being the 
Common Bull of Nepal, the Gowri Gao of Nepal, and the Yak. 
Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. X. (1841), pp. 449-470. 

75. Note on the Cervus elaphus (elaphoides ?) of the Saul Forest of 

Nepal (hodie C. affinis, nobis). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 
- Vol. X. (1841), pp. 721-724. 

76. Notice of the Marmot (Arctomys Himalayanus) of the Himalaya 

and Tibet. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. X. (1841), pp. 777, 778. 

77. On a New Organ in the Genus Moschus. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 

Vol.X. (1841), pp. 795. 796. 

78. On a New Species of Lagomys inhabiting Nepal (Lagomys Nepal- 

ensis, nobis). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. X. (1841) 
pp. 854, 855. Ann. Nat. Hist., Vol. X. (1842), pp. 76, 77. 


79. Notice of a New Form of the Glaucopinae, or Rasorial Crows, in- 
habiting the Northern Region of Nepal Conostoma aemodius 
(Nobis, type). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng. t Vol. X (1841), pp. 856, 
857. Ann. Nat. Hist., Vol. X. (1842), pp. 77-79. 

So. Classified Catalogue of Mammals of Nepal (corrected to end of 
1841, first printed in 1832). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. X. 
(1841), Pt. 2, pp. 907-916. Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. 
(1842), pp. 212-221 ; Vol. IV. (1844), pp. 284, 285. 

81. Notice of the Mammals of Tibet. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Seng., Vol. XI. 

(1842), pp. 275-288. 

82. On the Civet of the Continent of India, Viverra orientalis (hocUe 

melanurus). Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. (1842), 
pp. 47-50- 

83. On a New Species of Prionodon (P. pardicolor). Calcutta Journ. 

Nat. Hist., Vol. II. (1842), pp. 57-60. 

84. New Species of Rhizomys discovered in Nepal (R. badius, Bay 

Bamboo Rat*). Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. II. (1842), 
pp. 60, 61,410,411. 

85. European Notices of Indian Canines, with Further Illustrations of 

the New Genus Cuon vel Chrysoeus. Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., 
Vol. II. (1842), pp. 205-209. 

86. On a New Species of Mustela ? known to the Nepalese Commerce 

as the Chuakhal Mustela ? Calotus, nobis. Calcutta Journ Nat. 
Hist., Vol. II. (1842), pp. 221-223. 

87. Appendix to Account of Cuon primaevus, the Wild Dog, or Huansu 

Calcutta Journ. Nat Hist., Vol. II. (1842), pp. 412-414. 

88. Description of a New Genus of Falconidae ( Aquila pernigra) Journ. 

Asiat. Soc. Beng.< Vol. XII. (1843), PP- * 2 7, 128. 

89. Catalogue of Nepalrse Birds Journ. Asiat. Soc. Reng., Vol XII. 

(1843), pp. 301-313, 447-450- 

90. Notice of Two Marmots found in Tibet (Arctomys Himalayauus of 

Catalogue, potius Tibetensis, hodic mihi, and A Hemachalanus). 
Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., Vol. XII. (1843), pp. 4^-4K- 

91. On a New Species of Cervus (C. dtmorphe). Journ. Asiat. Soc. 

l?cng. t Vol. XII. (1843), pp. 889-898. 

92. Summary Description of Two New Species oi Flying Squirrel 

(Sciuropterus chrysotrix, Sc. senex). Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng , 
Vol. XIII. (1844), PP.67, 68. 

93. On the Leiotrichane Birds of the Sub- Himalayas, with some 

Additions and Annotations: a Synopsis of the Indian Pan, and 
of the Indian Fringillidae, by E. Blyth. Journ. Asiat. Soc. Beng., 
Vol. XIII. (1844), Pt. 2, pp. 933-963- 

94. On the Rats, Mice, and Shrews of the Central Region of Nepal. 

Ann. Nat. Hist., Vul. XV. (1845), pp. 266-270. 


95. Characters of Six New Species of Nepalese Birds. Ann. Nat. 

Hist., Vol. XV. (1845), PP- 32<* 327. 

96. On Nepalese Birds. Zool. Soc. Proc., Vol. XIII. (1845), PP- 22-38. 
07. On the Wild Sheep of Tibet, with Plates (Ovis ammonoides, mihi). 

Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XV., pp. 338-343- 

98. Description of a New Species of Tibetan Antelope (Procapra 

picticaudata). Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Beng., Vol. XV. (1846), 

PP. 334-343- 

99. On a New Form of the Hog Kind or Suidae (Porcula Salvania, 

Pigmy Hog). Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847), 

PP. 593, 594- 

roo. On the Hispid Hare of the Saul Forest (Lepus hispidus, Pears., 
Caprolagus hispidus, BIyth). Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XVI. 
(1847), pp. 572-577. 

101. Postscript on the Pigmy Hog of the Saul Forest. Journ. Asiaf. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 593, 594. 

1 02. Various Genera of the Ruminants. Journ. 'Asiaf. Soc. Beng. t 

Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 685-711. 

103. On the Tibetan Badger (Taxidia leucurus). Journ. Asiaf. Soc. 

Beng.< Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 763-771. 

104. On a New Species of Porcupine (Hystrix alophus). Journ. Asiaf. 

Soc. Beng. t Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 771-774 

105. On the Charj or Otis Bengalensis Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Beng., 

Vol. XVI. (1847), PP- 883-889. 

106. The Slaty-blue Megaderme (M. schistacea). Journ. Asiaf. Soc. 

Beng. t Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 889-894. 

107. On a New Species of Plecotus (PI. homochrous). Journ. Asiaf. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847). Pt. 2, pp. 894-896 

108. On the Tame Sheep and Goats of the Sub-Himalayas and Tibet 

Journ. Asiaf. Soc. Beng., Vol. XVI. (1847), pp. 1003-1026. 

109. On the Cat-toed Subplantigrades of the Sub-Himalayas. Journ. 

Asiaf. Soc. Beng.t Vol. XVI. (1847), Pt. 2, pp. 1 113-1 129. 
no. Description of the Wild Ass (Asinus polyodon) and Wolf of 
Tibet (Lupus lanigcr). Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. VII. 

(1847), PP. 469-477. 

in. On a New Genus and Species of Suidfe (Porcula Salvania) and 
a New Species of Taxidia (T. leucurus). Zoo?. Soc. Proc., 
' Vol. XV. (1847), pp. 115, 116. 

112. Anatomy of Ailurus, Porcula, and Stylocerus. Journ. Asiaf. Soc. 

Beng., Vol. XVII. (1848), Pt. 2, pp. 475-487, 573-575- 

113. Observations on the Manners and Structure of Prionodon pardi- 

color. Calcutta Joum. Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII. (1848), pp. 40-45. 

114. On a New Genus of Insessorial Birds (Merva). Calcutta Journ. 

Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII. (1848), pp. 45-48. 


115. On the Four-horned Antelopes of India. Calcutta Jonrn. Nat 

Hist., Vol. VIII. (1848), pp. 87-94. 
1 1 6. On the Buzzards of the Himalaya and Tibet. Calcutta Journ. 

Nat. Hist., Vol. VIII (1848), pp. 94-97. 
117. Note on the Kiang. Calcutta Journ. Nat. Hist., Vol. V11I. (1848), 

pp. 98-100. 
1 1 8. The Polecat of Tibet, . sp. Jottrn. Asiat. Soc. heng., Vol. XVIII 

(1849), pp. 446-450. 

119. On the Takin fBudorcas taxi col or) of the Eastern Himalaya. 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. fleng., Vol. XIX. (1850), pp. 65-75. 

120. On the Shou or Tibetan Stag (Cervus affinis). Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Seng., Vol. XIX. (1850), pp. 466-469, 518-520. 

121. On the Shou or Tibetan Stag (C. affinis, mi/U). Journ. Asiat. 

Soc. Beng., Vol. XX (1851), pp. 388-394. 

122. Catalogue of Nepalese Birds. Journ. Asia/. Soc. Reng., Vol. 

XXIV. (1855), pp. 572-582 

123. On the Geographical Distribution of the Mammalia and Birds of 

the Himalaya. Zool. Soc. I ror., Vol. XXIII. (1855), pp. 124-128. 

124. On a New Perdicine Bird (Sacpha Hodgson ire) from Tibet. 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Ken*., Vol. XXV. (1856), pp. 165, 166. 

125. On a New Species of Lagomys (L. Curzonise) and a New Mustela 

(M. tern on) inhabiting the North of Sikhim and thr Proximate 
Parts of Tibet. Journ. Asiat. Sor. ficng., Vol. XXVI. (1857), 
pp. 207, 208. Ann. Nat. Hist, Vol. I. (1858), p. 80. 

126. Description of a New Species of Himalayan Mole (Talpa macrura) 

Journ. Asiat. Soc. Bcng., Vol. XXVII. (1858), p. 176. Ann. 
Nat. Hist, Vol. II. (1858), p. 494. 

127. Notes on Certain Species of Silkworms* Indigenous to India. 

India Agric. Soc. Journ., Vol. VI. (1^48), pp. 167-181. B. H. 
Hodgson and R. W. S. Frith. 


i. Specimens: 

Birds .......... 9.512 

Mammals .... . 93 

Reptiles, etc. . . - .84 


All presented to the British Museum in 1843 and 1858. A series 
reserved by the Museum for itself, along with all the Reptiles ; and 
the rest (duplicates) distributed to the chief European and American 


2. Drawings: Sheets. 

Birds 1,241 

Mammals 557 

Reptiles 55 

Total .... 


The above drawings received back from the British Museum (less 
the Reptilian ones, which were retained), given in 1874 to the Zoo- 
logical Society of London. 


1. Specimens 79 

2. Drawings, including duplicates 107 

Specimens all given to British Museum. 

Drawings given to Christie Collection, 46 sheets ; to Anthropological 
Society of London, 61. 


Kindly contributed by SIR WILLIAM HENRY FLOWER, K.C.B., Director 
of the Natural History Branch of the British Museum. 1 



1. Scmnopithecus schtstaccits, Hodgson. 

Family TALPID^E. 

2. Talpa micrura, Hodgson. 


3. Soriculus caudatus (Hodgson). 

4. macrurus (Hodgson). 



5. Rkinolophus tragatus, Hodgson. 

6. Hipposiderus armiger % Hodgson. 


7. Synotus Darjclingensis (Hodgson). 

8. Vespertilio formosusi Hodgson. 

1 I also thank Mr. Lydekker for the actual preparation of this list. 




9. Linsang pardicolor (Hodgson). 

10. Paradoxurus laniger, Hodgson. 

1 1. Herpestes auropunclatus (Hodgson). 

12. itrva (Hodgson). 

Family CANINE. 

13. Cants fcrrilatus (Hodgson). 


14. Mustela canigula, Hodgson. 

15. cathia, Hodgson. 

1 6. subhemachelana, Hodgson. 

17. strigidorsa, Hodgson. 

18. lamata (Hodgson). 

19. (?) Melcs Icuatrus (Hodgson) ? M, taxus 

20. Lutra aitrobrunnca, Hodgson. 


Family SCIURIDJ . 

21. Plcromys magntjicits (Hodgson). 

22. Sciitroplcrus albonigcr^ Hodgson. 

23. Sciurus locria, Hodgson. 

24. hcroidcs, Hodgson 

25. Arctomys Himalayanus* Hodgson. 

Family MURID-*:. 

26. Mus uivciventcr, Hodgson. 

27. ,, cenricolot't Hodgson. 

28. Nesocia nemonvaga (Hodgson). 

29. Microtus Sikimcnsis (Hodgson). 


30. Rhizomys badius, Hodgson. 


31. Lcpus oiostohis, Hodgson. 


32. Lagomys Cursonia, Hodgson. 

Family Bovio^r.. 

33. Ovis nahura, Hodgson. 

34. Netnorhadus bubalinus (Hodgson). 

35. Budorcas iaxicolor, Hodgson. 

36. Gazella picticaudata (Hodgson) 


Family CERVIO<E. 

37. Cervus affinis, Hodgson. 

Family SUIDA:. 

38. Stes salvanim (Hodgson). 


Family MANUMG. 

39. Manis aurita, Hodgson. 

N.H. Where the generic term has been changed, the name of the 
founder of the species is bracketed. The only genus in this list 
described by Hodgson which stands is Budorcas ; but he also named 
Cyon, Hemitragus, and Pantholops, which are likewise generally 



A. | 

Abel, Dr., 301. i 

Acland, Rev. Charles, 27. | 

Acton, Lord, historian, 331. 

Adam, Mr. John, missionary, his 
Report on the indigenous 
schools of Bengal, 318-20. 

Afghanistan^^ El!enbi>rough's 
policy in, 205-6, 224 ; our suc- 
cesses in, 226. 

Aitchison, Sir Charles, his Trea- \ 
ties and Engagements, 59-63, 
180, 194. ' 

Amrita Nanda, a Nepalese pan- j 
dit, 273. , 

Argyll, Duke of, Secretary of I 
State for India ; to the opening | 
up trade with Tibet, 329. { 

Arnhem, 239-40. 

Aryan and non- Aryan races of 
India, 284-99 : Hodgson's 
studies of, 285, 288-99 ; customs 
and religion of non- Aryan tribes. 

Ashtasahasrika Pra/napara- 
mita, a Nepalese MS. of the 
1 2th century, 266. 

Asiatic Society, of London ' 
(Royal), 267 ; its memoir of ' 
Hodgson, 278 ; Hodgson's gifts 
to, 261,266-7, 276, 307. See also 

Atkinson, . T., his Report on 
Kumaun, 37-9, 42-3, 45-6 ; his 
Report on Garhwal District, 

Auckland, Lord, po, 154, 202-3, 
204; his policy in Nepal, 154- 
226 ; his letters to Hodgson, 165, 
168, 183, 190-2, 195 ; his thanks 
and congratulations to Hodgson, j 

189, 191, 198-9. 203-4; nis a P- ! 

preciation of Gurkha soldiers, 
201 ; his recall, 203. 
Aiifrecht, Professor, 348. 


Barl(w, Sir George, 19. 

Batten, Joseph ffal/ef, Principal 
of Hai'leybury College, 15, 22 ; 
his JRcpnrton the Kumaun and 
~ Rohilknnd Tarai, 39. 

Bay/ey, Mr. William Butter- 
worth, 93 ; his advice to Hodg- 
son, 94 ; his advice carried out 
by Hodgson, 124. 

Bayley, Sir Sfeuart Colvin, 
K.C.S.I., 94 ; his contributions 
to Alcmortah of Old Hailcy- 
bury College, n. 

Beal, Samuel* a student of Nor- 
thern Buddhism, 280. 

Bendall, Cecil, M.A., 282; his 
Catalogue of the Htuldhist 
Sanskrit A/SS., 261, 265; his 
yourney of Literary and A rch- 
(t'ological Research in NeJ>aJ 
and Northern Jndia, 282 ; his 
fetter noting a mistaken date of 
a Nepalese 1V1S., 266 ; his higher 
studies of Buddhism, 280 ; his 
views on the bibliographic side of 
Hodgson's Buddhist work, 282 ; 
acknowledgments of his help in 
this book, 201, 338. 

Bengal Asiatu Society, its Asia- 
tic Researches, 104, 272, 363 ; its 
Transactions, 104, 236, 252 ; its 
Journal, 108, 236, 252, 253, 276, 
286, 303, 305, 363 ; Proceedings 
of the Society, No. 62, 235 ; 
manuscript records of, 262, 302 ; 
contributions of Csoma de Kurds 
and of Blyth to its Journal, 278, 


306 ; meeting held in honour of 
Hodgson, 235-6 ; its President's 
address at the meeting of May, 
1866, 323; its President (Sir C. 
Elliott, K.C.S.I.),262; Hodgson's 
gifts to the Society, 261, 266-7, 
281, 337' 8 352-3 J Hodgson as 
Honorary Member of, 333. 

Bentinck, Lord William, ap- 
points Hodgson Resident of 
Nepal, 109, 124-5 ; his Resolu- 
tion declaring that the State 
education in India should be in 
the English language, 313 ; 
Hodgson opposes his views, 318. 

Bhabar, forest track, 34, 39 ; 
fauna of, 45. 

Bhartpur, fort in Nepal, 100, 109. 

Bhim Sen Thappa, Prime Minis- 
ter of Nepal, his relations with 
Mr. Gardner, 63 ; Prime Minister 
of Nepal, 98; his policy, 99; his 
war against the English, 100 ; his 
diplomacy and tactics against 
the English, 101 ; his settlement 
with Hodgson of the boundaries 
of Nepal, 101 ; his obstruction of 
commerce between Nepal and 
India, 103; his ambition, 127; 
his settlement of the Nepal boun- 
daries, 128; his conciliatory 
measures towards Hodgson, 
128-9 ' his isolation of the British 
Residency, 129-30; his despotic 
administration, 131-2; his power 
over the Raja, 133-5 ; his nego- 
tiations with Hodgson, 139, 
140-1 ; his severities to the 
Pandis, 142 ; his downfall, 142-6, 
151-3, 159, 174-6 ; his suicide, 
176 ; his character, 176 ; indig- 
nities towards his relations, 1 77 ; 
result of his death, 178-9. 

Bhutan, its commerce, in. 

Birds in Kumaun. Sec Ornitho- 

Blanford, W. J\, his article in 
Natural Science, 307-9. 

Blyth, an ornithologist, authority 
on Indian birds, 306-7, 337, 348-9. 

Boddaert, his ornithological work 
in the West, 305. 

Bodleian Library, Oxford, Hodg- 
son's gifts to, 266-7, 337 348-9. 

Bodos, the, a tribe of hillmen in 

India, 289-95. 
Boileau, Colonel, 167. 
Botany of Darjiling and the 

Himalayas, 246. 
Brahman, education of a, 311. 
Brahman party, the, in Nepalese 

Government, 145, 153-4, 229. 
Brahman physicians tortured in 

Nepal, 172-5. 
Brahmanism, Hodgson's opinion 

on its difference from Buddhism, 


Brahmaputra^ the, its source on 
the Tibetan side of the Hima- 
layas, 287. 

British Museum, Hodgson's gifts 
to, of his zoological collections, 
240, 307-8, 326, 375-8 ; of his orni- 
thological collections, 308-9, 326; 
of his Tibetan Buddhist MSS., 
etc., 270-1, 326, 338 ; Hodgson's 
donations quoted in the List of 
the Specimens of Mammalia zn 
the Collection of the British 
Museum, 307-8. 

Brown, Dr., Grammatical 
Notices of the Assamese Lan- 
guage, 2<fi. 

Brown, Laurence George, 10. 

Buddhism, Hodgson's collection 
of original documents on, 264-5, 
266-8, 271-2, 337-5 6 359; his 
articles on, 104, 272-6, 362-3, 
365-6 ; his defence of, 332 ; 
his knowledge of, 283 ; contro- 
versies on, 279-80. 

Bunsen, his Philosophy of Uni- 
versal History, 287, 296; his 
opinion of Hodgson's ethnolo- 
gical discoveries, 286, 331. 

Bunsen, Georg von, 331. 

Bunyiu Nanjw, his help, 338. 

Burke, Edmund, referred to, 25. 

Burnouf, E., his Introduction a 
PHistoire du Buddhisme In- 
dien, 264, 267-8, 276-7, 280 ; his 
letters in Choix de Lettres 
d* Eugene Burnouf, 268; his 
opinion of Hodgson's Sanskrit 
and Tibetan collections on Bud- 
dhism, 264, 266, 271, 276-7. Also 

Bushby, George, Secretary to the 



Government of India, his letters, 
192, 216-26. 


Calcutta, the College of Fort 
William, 13, 24 ; Hodgson's gifts 
to, 266, 270-1, 337, 351. 

Calcutta, Life and society in, at 
the beginning of the century, 
24-32 ; its trade with China via 
Nepal, 113, 114, 115. 

Calcutta Englishman, the, 
quoted, 321-2. 

Calcutta Journal of Natural 
History, Vol. IV., Hodgson's 
contributions to, 302. 

Calcutta School Book Society, 319. 

Caledon, Countess of, aunt' to 
Lady Canning, 256. 

Campbell, Dr. J4., Officiating 
Assistant to the Resident of 
Nepal ; his Report, 95-107, 1 1 r, 
142, 185; Superintendent of 
Darjiling, 249. 

Canning, George, 20. 

Canning, JSarf, Governor-Gene- 
ral of India; Hodgson's in- 
fluence on Lord Canning's deci- 
sion to accept Gurkhas into the 
British-Indian army, no, 255-8. 

Canning, Lady, her death in the 
Tarai, 253 ; referred to, 256, 258. 

Carey, Dr., Grammar and Dic- 
tionary of the Tibetan Lan- 
guage, 262. 

Cauljield, Colonel, 191-2. 

Central Asia, Hodgson's account 
of its trade, 111-5, 126-7. 

Chamberlain, General, 331. 

Chand dynasty in Kuviaun, 38-9. 

Chandra, a Hindu god, 121. 

Chauntrias, the party of Royal 
Collaterals in the Nepalese 
Government, 131, 139, 144, 153, 
159, 170, 174, 182, 191, 193-4, 
208, 229. 

China, its trade with India, 113, 

Christie, Dr., 208. 

Clarendon, Thomas, second Earl \ 
of, his influence on Hodgson, 

Clerk, Sir George Russell, 
G.C.S.I., K.C.B., 18, 223-4. 

! Cloefe, General Sir Josias, 31, 
1 Codrington, Dr. Oliver, his help 
acknowledged, 362. 

Colchester, Lord, his Indian 
Administration of Lord Ellen- 
borough, 207, 22 5. 

College of Fort William. See 

College of Surgeons, Hodgson's 
zoological gifts to, 241. 

Colvile, Sir James, Advocate- 
General, Calcutta, and President 
of the Bengal Asiatic Society, 

2 47-8> 330. 

Colvin, Sir Auckland, K.C.S.I., 
1 6s ; his John jRusself Colvin* 

Colvm, Juhti Russell, Private 
Secretary to Lord Auckland, 
letters from and to, 154, 158, 
165, 168, 183, 188-90, 192, 310. 

Comber mere, Lord, 100. 

Conrady, Professor, his MS. re- 
view of Hodgson's philological 
work, 297-9. 

Co-rnwalhs, Lord, 60. 

Cowell, Profr\sor, his Catalogue 
of Hodgson's collection of Bud- 
dhist Sanskrit literature, 267, 
337. 339-43; his Buddha- 
Carita of Asvaghosha, 273 ; 
visits Hodgson in Gloucester- 
shire, 330; his help acknow- 
ledged, 338. 

Cranwlotry, Hodgson's studies of, 
288-9. " 

Csoma de Koros, Alexander, 278; 
his Himalayan discoveries con- 
temporaneous with Hodgson's, 
280 ; his letters, Life of, 280. 

Cunningham, General Str Alex- 
ander, 278. 

Currie, Sir Frederick, 18. 

Cust, Dr. Necdham, 330. 


Dalhousie, Lord, 18; his reorgani- 
sation of the Gurkha battalions 
into regiments, 109, 258 ; on 
Indian Education, 322. 

Damodar, Prime Minister of 
Nepal, his execution, 156. 

Dampier, William, 18. 

Dangers, F. C., his contributions 



to Memorials of Old Hailey- 
bury College, n. 

Darjiling, 243-327. 

Darwin, Charles, 289 ; Variation 
of Animals and Plants under 
Domestication, 303. 

Davis, Dr., his school at Macclcs- 
field, 8-9. 

Davis, Dr. Barnard, 286, 288; 
Crania Britanniea, 288. 

Dhimals, the, a tribe of hilimen 
in India, 289; their nomadic 
cultivation, 292-3 ; their burial 
rites, 294 ; their religion, 295. 

Dictionary of National Bio- 
graphy, referred to, 58, 94, 224. 

Dost Muhammad, Amir of 
Afghanistan, 181. 

WOyly, Sir Charles and Lady, 
their friendship with Hodgson, 
28-32, 73-4, 80, 124, 147-9, 
161-2 ; drawings and sketches, 

D*Qyly, General Sir Charles 
(9th Baronet), 30. 

Duka, Theodore, M.D., his Life 
of Alexander Csoma de Kurds, 
269, 270. 

K. ! 

Edwardes, Sir Herbert, his 
Life of Sir Henry Lawrence, 

Eggeling, Professor, his Cata- 
logue of Hodgson's collection of 
Buddhist Sanskrit literature, 267, 


Ellenborough, Earl of, pre- 
disposed against Hodgson and 
other " Politicals," 90-2, 204 ; 
his policy and administration, 
204-6 ; vacillation regarding Af- 
ghanistan, 206-7 J conduct in 
Nepalese affairs, 210-3, 2I 5*7> 
219-25, 227-8, 231-4 ; letters to 
Hodgson, 220, 232-3 ; recall of 
Hodgson as Resident, 212, 222, 
223, 231-3 ; result of Lord Ellen- 
borough's policy in Nepal, 230 ; 
recalled by the Court of Directors, 
233 ; indignation at the India 
House against him, 237 ; Sir J. 
Colvile's opinion of his conduct 
to Hodgson, 247. 

Elkrton, Mr., his vernacular 
schools at Malda, 319. 

Elliot, Sir Walter, 330. 

Elliott, Sir Charles, K.C.S.I., 262. 

Elliott, Sir Daniel, 19. 

Elfhinstone, the Hon. Mount- 
stuart, 278. 

Ethnological Society elects Hodg- 
son an Honorary Fellow, 289, 


Ethnology, Hodgson's study of, 
244-5, 249, 285-99 ; his ethnolo- 
gical contributions to learned 
societies, 285-6, 326, 364. 


Fane, Sir H., his opinion on the 
Gurkha soldiers, 1 10. 

Fauna of the Himalayas, 45-6 ; 
Hodgson's studies and dis- 
coveries in, 302-3, 308-9; his 
collections and donations of 
specimens, 240, 307-9, 368-75. 

Ferdousi, anecdote of, 2. 

Flower, Sir William, K.C.B.,303, 

37 6 - 
For shall, J., Secretary to the 

Trustees of British Museum, 240. 
Fraser, Charles, 18. 
Friend of India, the, 313-4, 321-2. 


Gardner, Colonel William Lin- 
n&us, 58-9, 61. 

Gardner, Hon. ., Commissioner 
of Kumaun and Resident at the 
Court of Nepal, 37, 57, 58, 551, 
6 1 -2 ; first British Resident in 
Nepal, 62-3, 102 ; resigns the 
service, 70, 124; his peaceful 
policy as Resident, 102-3 ; his 
estimate of the Nepalese army, 
105 ; his suggestion to employ 
Nepalese soldiers as mercen- 
aries, 107. 

Garrett, H. W., 182. 

Gilbert, Sir Walter Raleigh, 28. 

Gould, Mr., his ornithological 
work in the West, 305. 

Grote, Arthur, President of the 
Royal Asiatic Society, 330. 

Gubernatis, Count Angela di, his 



meeting with Hodgson at Flor- 
ence, i, 331. 

Gurkha regiments ; Hodgson's 
advocacy of the employment of 
Gurkha soldiers, 107-9, no, 126, 


Gurkhas, the; their oppression 
of Kumaun, 39, 40 ; their land- 
assessment and revenue, 46 ; 
driven out by the British, 46 ; 
depopulation of Kur-iaun by their 
fiscal severities, 47-8 ; their con- 
quest of Nepal, 60 ; their con- 
flict with China, 60; and with 
the British, 60- 1 ; their defeat 
and submission, 62. For their 
subsequent history, sec Nepal. 

Guru Mahashay, or Hindu school- 
master, 318. 

H. ] 

Haileybury College, 10, 13-21 ; 
form of certificate to students on 
leaving, 22. 

Hale, family of, 330. 

Hall, Dr. FitzEdward, Report 
on Hodgson's gift of Sanskrit, 
Persian, and Newari MSS. to the 
India Office, 269, 357. 

Hamilton, Sir Robert, 19, 88. 

Hardinge, Lord, 18, 19. 

Hare, Augustus J. C., 257. 

Hastings, Marquess of, 2$ ; his 
conquests and wars, 33, 36-7, 
61, 99, 100; his treaty with Nepal, 
100, 101, 102, 155. 

Heber, Bishop, his Narrative of 
a Journey through the Upper 
Provinces of India quoted, 29. 

Himalayas, trade of, 111-5 ; their 
tribes, language, customs, and 
religion, 284-6, 288-99 ; rivers, 
287-8 ; fauna and zoology, 45-6, 
244 253, 302-3. 307-9; height, 
245, 249; ornithology, 46, 251, 
304, 307-9; botany, 246, 287; 
reptiles, 307-8; as a field tor 
European colonisation, 299-300 ; 
the development of tea planta- 
tions in, 300-1. 

History and Topography of Ash- 
bourne and the Valley of the 
Dove, referred to, 4. 

History of Nepal, by Daniel 

Wright (*?<? Wright), 291, 268-9, 
326; H. A. Oldfield's Sketches 
from Nepal (see Oldfieid). 

Hodgson, Sir Arthur, of Clopton, 
4 21. 

Hodgson, Brian Houghton, his 
life summarised, " 1-6 ; his 
mother, o, 7, 8 ; her death, 325; 
school-days at Macclesfield and 
Richmond, 8, q ; nomination to 
India Civil Service, 10 ; Hailey- 
bury life, 13-21, 23 ; George Can- 
ning's visit to his rooms, 20 ; 
passes out of Haileybury, 22 ; in- 
fluence of Professor Malthus on 
his vieus, 23-4; first year in 
India, 22-32 ; Sanskrit and Per- 
sian studio^, 32 ; Assistant to the 
Commissioner of Kumaun, 32-6 ; 
Traill's influence on him) 38 ; 
mountaineering and sport in 
Kumaun, 43-5 ; taste for natural 
history, 46 \ land-assessment of 
Kumaun, 40-56 ; appointed 
Assistant Resident in Nepal, 
56 ; appointed Deputy Sec- 
retary in the Persian Depart- 
ment of the Calcutta Foreign 
Office, 64; illness in Calcutta, 
64 ; reappointed Assistant Resi- 
dent in Nepal, 65 ; his private life 
in Nepal, described chieflyby his 
letters, 66-92 ; his help to his 
family, 67, 76, 88 ; is appointed 
Acting Resident in Nepal, 70; 
his scientific pursuits, 79, 84, 
85 ; his domestic relations, 86 ; 
serious illness, 87 ; his ascetic 
life, 87 ; public career as As- 
sistant Resident in Nepal, 93- 
125 ; completes the settlement 
of' the boundary of Nepal, 
101 ; collects materials foi in- 
forming the British Government 
of the military, commercial, 
and judicial strength of Nepal, 
103-4; hi. s efforts to draft the 
Gurkhas into the British army, 
104, 109 ; his influence during 
the Mutiny, 1 10 ; his Report on 
Himalayan and Central Asian 
trade, in-s; his Judicial Re- 
ports, 1 16-23 J Resident in 
Nepal, 125, 126-76; settlement 



of boundaries by Hodgson and 
Bhim Sen, 128 ; Hodgson's en- 
couragement of trade, 129 ; re- 
ports to the Governor-General 
on "the state of parties in 
Nepal/' 131-6 ; insists on deal- 
ing directly with the Raja, 137; 
improvement in commercial in- 
tercourse, 140-1, 180-1 ; corre- 
spondence with Lady D'Oyly, 
147-9, 161-2; his money anxieties, 
151-2, 167 ; his confidential ac- 
count to Lord Auckland of the 
Gurkhas, 1547; his ill-health, 
161 ; his insignt into Nepalese 
intrigues, 164; his dangerous 
situation, 164, 168 ; his apparent 
indifference, 165-6, 177; suc- 
cess of his policy, 166; death 
of his brother William, 166-7 ; 
impending war in Nepal, 107, 
169 ; Hodgson's description of 
the Nepalese Court, 171-3 ; last 
four years in Nepal, 177-236 ; 
his negotiations with the Raja, 
178-84, 190, 228 ; revolt of the 
Nepalese army, 184; troops 
promised by Lord Auckland to 
support Hodgson, 188-9 ; con- 
gratulations on having averted , 
war, 191-2 ; obtains a coalition 
Ministry in Nepal, 193 ; friendly 
declaration of the Nepalese 
towards the British, 194-5 ; Lord 
Auckland's reliance on Hodg- 
son's judgment, 199; final letters 
of thanks from Lord Auckland 
to Hodgson, 203-4 ' k r< * Ellen- 
borough's arrival and change of 
policy towards Nepal, 204-13 ; 
Hodgson's review of the matter 
forty years later, 216; change 
of policy towards Nepal, 217- 
221 ; Hodgson's difficulties in 
Nepal disappear on our success 
in Afghanistan, 226; success- 
fully carries out Lord Ellen- 
borough's policy, 226-8; predicts 
evil result of Lord Ellen- 
borough's policy in Nepal, 230 ; 
Hodgson's recall by Lord 
EUenborough, 231-3 ; ap- 
pointed Assistant Sub-Commis- 
sioner at Simla, 233; farewell 

of the Raja and Nepalese to 
Hodgson, 234 ; his reception in 
Calcutta, 234-5 ; retires from the 
service, 236 ; arrival in England, 
237 ; resolves to return to India, 
239-40; disposal of his zoo- 
logical collections, 240-1; his 
life and work at Darjiling, 243- 
327 ; marries Miss Scott, 255 ; 
takes charge of the education of 
the heir-presumptive to Nepal, 
255-6 ; again advocates the em- 
ployment of Gurkhas in the 
Indian army, 255-60 ; his work as 
an Oriental scholar, 261-83 > his 
researches among the non-Aryan 
and hill races of India, 284-301 ; 
his work as a naturalist and 
ornithologist, 302-9; the advo- 
cate of education in the ver- 
nacular languages of India, 
310-24 ; final return to England 
and last years, 325-35; death 
of his mother, 325 ; illness and 
death of his father, 325-6 ; 
Hodgson gives his collections 
and manuscripts for his His- 
tory of Nepal to the India 
Office Library, 326-7 ; his home 
in Gloucestershire, 327 ; death 
of his first wife, 328 ; second 
marriage, 328 ; life in England 
and winters on the Riviera, 
328-32 ; his tolerant views on 
religion, 332 ; his old age and 
humble opinion of his work 
and life, 334 ; his death, 335 ; 
his Miscellaneous Essays re- 
lating to Indian Subjects, 314- 
317 ; his Illustrations of the 
Literature and Religion of the 
Buddhists, 272 ; his Disputa- 
tion respecting Caste, 274-5 ; 
his essay On the Physical Geo- 
graphy of the Himalaya, 286 ; 
his essay On the Kocch, Bodo, 
and Dhimal Tribes, 280-95; 
his paper on The Mammalia of 
Nepal, 302 ; his Catalogue of 
the Mammals of Nepal and 
Tibet, 302 ; his paper on the 
Pantholops Hodgsoni, 302 ; his 
Two Letters on the Education 
of the People of India, 311, 314, 

INDEX 385 

315 ; his Collected Works, 334. his impression of Hodgson. 

For full lists of Hodgson's MSS., \ 328-9. 

published writings, scientific \ Hutton, ornithological work in the 

contributions, and donations, ! East, 305. 

see Appendices, pp. 337-78. * 

Hodgson, Mrs., 165 ; her arrange- j * 

ment of Hodgson MSS.. etc., ' India Office Library, Hodgson's 

277 ; Dedication to, v. ; List of | gifts to, 261, 266, 270, 326-7, 

Illustrations, ix. ' 337-8, 344, 357-61. 

Hodgson, Edward, n, 81-2, 151. India Office MSS., Secret Con- 

Hodgson, Fanny, 11,68-77, 80," 82, I saltations, etc., 128-31, 137-9. 

85-6, 91-2, 239, 241-2, 245-8. | 173, 176, 178, 182, 191)208, 210; 

Hodgson, Dr. Robert, Dean of Lieutenant F. Smith's Statement, 

Carlisle, 5, 20 ; his Life of the 
Rt. Rev. BeilbyPorteus, D.D., 
Bishop of London, 9. 

208-10 ; Records, 233. 
Indian Education Commission \ 
Report of y 3 1 1.324. 

Hodgson, William, 11,69, 775 Indian Mutiny, 109, 255-6, 258. 
80, 88, 151, 166, 167. ' Indus, the, its source, 287. 

Hoo&er, Sir Joseph Dalton, Institute of France, Hodgson's 
K.C.S.I., C.B., iF.R.S., his I gifts to, 261, 268, 338; honours 
Himalayan Journals, or Notes \ ~ conferred on Hodgson by, 268. 
of a Naturalist, 243-5 ; his Re- \ 332-3. 
collections of Hodgson ' s Darji- , 

ling days, 248-55; his Flora J' 

Indica, 287 ; his opinion of Jat-schke, a Danish missionary, 
Hodgson's life and researches, 280. 

243-4, 253 ; he joins Hodgson, Jang Bahadur, Primr Minister 
245 ; last visit to Hodgson, 334. of' Nepal, 98, 139, 23 ; Hodtf- 

Hooker, Sir William, father of son's influence on, 110, 254-6, 
Sir Joseph Hooker, 247. his life summarised, 146*; he 

Horsjield, ornithological work in requests Hodgson to direct the 
the East, 305. education of his son-in-law, 255 ; 

Houghton, Catherine, 5. he commands the Gurkha army 

Houghton, William, 5^ for the British during the 

Howell, A. P., 318. Mutiny, 258. 

Humboldt, Baron z-on, correspon- Jaquet, his letters to Hodgson, 
dence with Hooker, 246, 253; 277. 

and Hodgson, 253 ; letter to Sir Jar dine. Sir William, ornitho- 
J Colvile, 286. * logical work, 305. 

'ume, Allan Octavian, C.B., Jeffrey, Lord, 16,* 17, 302. 
review On Hodgson? s Ornitho- I Jerdon, Dr. 71 C., 306-7 ; his 
logical Work, ,04-7 ; his Game \ Bird* of India, 309 
Birds of India, Burma, and : Jodhpur, capitulation of, 138 ; 
Ceylon, 334. \ intrigues between Nepal and, 

Hunter, Sir William Wilson, 164, 173. 

K.C.S.I.,hisLi/eo/>a/Aoust'e, , Jodrell, of Henbury, 8. 

109; his Catalogue of Sanskrit , Journal des Savants, 279, 338. 

Manuscripts collected in Nepal j 

by Brian Houghton Hodgson, \ ^ 

264, 271 ; his Comparative Die- ' 

tionary of the Languages of Kabul war, its effect on Nepal, 

India and High Asia, 269 ; his j 8-<, 164, 200; the Nepalese 

Bengal Musalmans and its ] threaten war, 168-9, ! 77 X 9J 

dedication to Hodgson, 334; the warlike attitude of the 






Nepalese, 181-2 ; our reverses 
exaggerated and consequent 
warlike preparations in Nepal, 
1 88 ; Lord Ellenborough's vacil- 
lating policy in Kabul, 206-7. 

Kahgyur, the, one hundred and 
twenty-three volumes containing 
the doctrine and moral precepts 
of Buddha, 269 ; presented to 
Hodgson by the Grand Lama of 
Tibet and given by Hodgson to 
the India House, with another 
copy to the College of Fort 
William, 270, 338. 

Kasinath Mull, of Benares, his 
lawsuit in the courts of Kath- 
mandu, 208-10. 

Kathmandu, commercial routes 
to, in ; its merchants, 112; its 
commerce, 113 ; the British posi- 
tion at, 131 ; secret envoys at, 173. 

Kaye, Sir John William, quoted, 

Kinchinjinga, 245, 249. 

Knotty s, Colonel Mf. W., memoir 
of Sir Jasper Nicolls, 224. 

Knox, Captain , 142. 

Kocch, the, Hodgson's study of 
their language, etc., 289-95. 

Kords, Csoma de. See Csofna de 

Kumaun and Garhwal, 33-58 ; 
effect of our conquest of Kumaun 
on the Nepal war, 61-2 ; com- 
merce of Kumaun, in. 


Laidlaw, student of the Karen 
tongue, 296. 

Lake, Lord, 58. 

Lamas, of Kathmandu and Tibet, 
250, 252 ; their reception of Aus- 
tine Waddell as Amitabha or the 
Western Buddha, 282-3. 

Lassen, Professor Charles, his 
welcome of Hodgson's ethnologi- 
cal discoveries, 286 ; his letter 
to Hodgson, 295. 

Latham, Ethnology of the British 
Colonies, 289 ; his Varieties of 
Man, 295 ; his ethnological work 
in the West, 305. 

Lawrence, Lord, his nomination 
to Haileybury College, 14. 

Lawrence, Sir Henry, his opinion 
on Gurkha soldiers, no ; Resi- 
dent in Nepal, 233, 234. 

Layard, 289. 

Le Bos, Professor, 15. 

List of 'honour -^etc., conferred on 
Hodgson, 333. 

Logan^ his Journal of the Indian 
Archipelago quoted, 295. 

Long, Rev. James, his Preface 
to Adam's Reports, 318, 320. 

Lydekker, his list of Hodgson's 
discoveries quoted, 303, 376. 


Macaulay, Lord, his views on 
Education in India, 310, 318. 

MacGregor, General Sir George, 
C.B., 258. 

Mackintosh, Sir James, 16. 

MacNabb, Sir Donald, 331. 

Maddock, Sir Herbert, Resident 
of Nepal, 107, 125, 129; secret 
despatch from Hodgson to, 171. 

Malcolm, Sir John, his views 
on the responsibility of British 
Agents at Native Courts, 214, 

Malleson, Colonel, 258 ; his His- 
tory of the Indian Mutiny, 

Mallet, Sir Louis, 331. 

Malthus, Professor, at Hailey- 
bury, 15, 16; his influence on 
Hodgson, 23. 

Mammals, Hodgson's contribu- 
tions on, collections and dona- 
tions of, 244-5, 302-3, 307-9, 363, 

tangles, JRoss Donelly, 19. 

Manuscripts, Hodgson's collec- 
tions and donations of, Appen- 
dices, 337-61 

Marshall, his ornithological work 
with Hume, The Game Birds 
of India, Burma, and Ceylon, 

Martin, Henry, 27. 

Martineau, Miss, 16. 

Matabar Singh, Prime Minister 
in Nepal, 132, 135, 142, 143, 145, 

146,149, 150, IS*. *53> i$8, 159* 
162, 172-5, 229 ; his murder, 229. 


May, Mr,, a missionary, his ver- 
nacular schools in India, 319. 
McLeod, Sir Donald, 330. 
McMurdo, General Sir Monta- 

fegasthenes, Greek Ambassador 

to India in 30011.0., 311. 
Memorials of Old Haikybury 

College, u, 14. 
Merivale, his Life of Sir Henry 

Lawrence, 230. 
Metcalfe, Lord, 150, 154, 157. 
Miller, Professor Thomas, 278, 

299. 330. 

Minto, Lord, 61. 

Mitra, Rajendra Lala, his San- 
skrit Buddhist Literature of 
Nepal, 32, 65, 103-4, 116-7, 267, 
311 ; his Descriptive Catalogue 
of Sanskrit MSS., 266-7; 270, 

Mohl, Jules, letters to Hodgson, 

Moira, Lord. See Hastings. 

Monier Williams \ Sir, 11, 331. 

Mowat, Sir F., 288. 

Mutter, Professor Max, 286-7, 

296, 33<>> 333 338. 
Museums ; of Paris, Leyden, Edin- 
burgh, Dublin, etc., Hodgson's 
gifts to, 308, 326 ; British, see 
British Museum. 


Nahuys, General the Baron 
Huibert Gerard, marriage to 
Ellen, sister of B. H. Hodgson, 
10 ; letters to Hodgson, 325. 

Nahuys ', Baron Pierre, 1 1 ; mar- 
riage with Frances, Hodgson's 
youngest sister, u, 80; Hodg- 
son's visit to them, 239. 

Napier, Sir Charles, his opinion 
on Gurkha soldiers, no. 

Nepal, war and treaty with, 36-7, 
58, 62-3 ; Nepal after the war, 
124 ; crisis in, brought on by the 
Kabul war, 88 ; war prevented 
by the skilful management of 
Hodgson, 95 etseqs, government 
of Nepal by the Queen- Regent 
and Bhim Sen Thappa, its Prime 
Minister, 98-101 ; trade between 

Nepal and India, 103, 104, 127, 
199; military service, 105; Hodg- 
son's Report on Nepal, 111-5, 
126; judicial system, 115-23, 
1 66; boundaries of Nepal, 101, 
127-8 ; commerce, 128, 147, 180 ; 
parties in Nepal, 131-6 ; tne war 
party, 138-9 ; commercial treaty 
with the English, 140 ; criminal 
extradition, 149-51, 166, 181 ; 
military organisation remodelled 
by Raghunath Pandit, the Brah- 
man Prime Minister, 160-1 ; pre- 
parations for war against the 
British, 167-9, 177, 182, itt8, 190, 
198; intngues of the Court 
against the Residency, 177, 183, 
1 8s, 1 88 ; marriage of the heir- 
apparent, 179, 180, 183 ; nego- 
tiations between Hodgson and 
- Nepal, 179-81, 183-4, Wt attack 
on the British frontier, 183-4; 
attack on the Residency, 185-6 ; 
I change of ministry, 191, 193 ; 
| cruel disposition of the heir-ap- 
j parent, 196, 227 ; death of the 
I Senior Queen, 199; outrage on 
j the Residency, 208-10; British 
j support withdrawn, 226-7 ; Mate- 
j bar Singh appointed Prime Minis- 
ter and murdered, 229 ; deposition 
and imprisonment of the Raja, 
2 39 > J an Bahadur appointed 
! Prime Minister, 230 ; Sir Henry 
Lawrenco appointed Resident, 
233 ; affectionate farewell of the 
Raja and Nepalese to Hodgson, 
234 ; Nepalese soldiers during 
the Mutiny, 258 ; ancient manu- 
scripts of Nepal, 265-6 ; Hodg- 
son's gifts of Nepalese MSS. to 
learned Societies, 266-7; the 
dialects and literature of Nepal, 


New march, General Sir Oliver, 
\ K.C.S.I., 106, 259. 

Ntcholetts, Lieutenant C. H., 
Assistant Resident in Nepal, his 
Narrative of Events in Nepal, 
184, 191, 196-7, 202, 207, 227, 


220, 230. 

icholson, John, of Bai 
friendship with Hodgson, 8. 

John, of Balralh, 
K with Hodgson, 8. 
Nicolls, Sir Jasper, his opinion 



on Gurkha soldiers, 108; in- 
structions to, when Commander- 
in-Chief, 206; his advice in 
regard to the Kabul war, 224. 

North, Miss, 330. 

Nott, General, 207, 224. 


Ochterlony, General, 106-7. 

Oglander, Colonel, 167. 

Oldfield, Dr. Henry Ambrose, 
M.D., his Sketchesfrom Nepal, 
Historical and Descriptive, 
100-1, 146, 159, 168, 175, 187-8, 
192, 196, 208, 231, 326. 

Oldham, Dr., his work On the 
Geological Structure of the 
Khasi Hills, 296. 

Oliver, General, R.A., 328. 

Ornithology, Hodgson's study 
of, 46, 251-2, 303-9; Hume's 
works on, 305, 334 ; various orni- 
thologists quoted, 305-6 ; Hodg- 
son's ornithological collections 
and donations, 307-8, 326 ; cata- 
logue of his ornithological papers, 

O* Shaughnessy, Professor Sir 
W., his Address to the Medical 
College, Calcutta, 321. 

Oudh, boundary between Nepal 
and, 101. 

Owen, Professor, his selection 
from Hodgson's presentations to 
the College of Surgeons, 241 ; 
his reception of Hodgson's eth- 
nological discoveries, 286 ; his 
Report to the British Associa- 
tion quoted, 289. 

Oxford's welcome to Hodgson, i . 


Paget, Sir Edward, Commander- 

in-Chief, 106. 
Panjani, the annual vacating of 

offices, 130, 131, 137, 153. 
Pattison, Maxey and James, 6, 

10, n, 20. 
Pekin, its trade route to St. 

Petersburg, 112; and to India 

via Nepal, 112. 
Pelly, Sir Lewis, diplomatist, 331. 

Pember ton, \i\sRepor ton Bhutan, 

Philology, Hodgson's researches 
and discoveries in, 289-98. 

Physical geography of the Hima- 
layas, 286-7 5 Hodgson's discus- 
sions with Sir J. Hooker on, 

Pollock, Major- General, 206. 

Porteus, Bishop of Chester and 
London, 5, 9. 

Prinsep, Henry Thoby, 179, 
222 ; letter of congratulation to 
Hodgson, 191 ; informs Hodgson 
of Lord Ellenborough's intended 
concealment of Hodgson's re- 
call, 222 ; advises Hodgson to 
accept the overtures made by 
Lord Ellenborough, 225 ; warns 
Hodgson of Lord Ellenborough's 
dislike, 228 ; one of the principal 
representatives of the Oriental- 
ists in the controversy on Ver- 
nacular Education in India, 

Prinsep, James, 252, 302. 

Raffles, his ornithological work in 

the Hast, 305. 
Raghunath Pandit, 145, 153-4, 

159, 160, 162-3, 170, 193. 
Rajendra Lala Mitra. See Mitra. 
Ranbir Singh, 1^2-4, 174. 
Ranjang fandi, leader of the 

Pandi faction in Nepal, 145-96. 
Ranjit Singh, 137, 176. 
Rawlinson, 289. 
Reid, T. Wemyss, his Life of 

Lord Houghton, 247. 
Remusat, Abel, 279. 
Renan, 331. 
Reptiles, Hodgson's collection of, 

3<>7"8, 375-6- 

Ricketts.Sir Henry, K.C.S.L, 19. 
Robertson, Hon. J. C., 223-5. 
Rockhill, Woodmlk, student of 

Northern Buddhism, 280. 
Rohillas, in Kumaun, 38-9. 
Rolt, Sir John, 330. 
Ross-of-Bladensburg) 61-2. 
Rousseau, Jean Jacques, 4, 5. 
Russia, its trade in Asia, 112-3, 




Samte-Beuve, 302. 

Salisbury, Lady, 19. I 

Sanpu, the, 288. i 

Sanskrit MSS., Hodgson's. See \ 
Manuscripts and Buddhism. , 

Sarat Chandra Das, 280. I 

Schiefner, A., 281. ! 

Schlangintwcit, 280. 

Schmidt, L J., 280. ! 

Scott, Miss Anne, daughter of 
General H. A. Scott, R.A., her 
marriage with B. H. Hodgson, 
255 ; her illness in Darjiling, 
2 95325; her death, 327. 

Scott, General Henry Alexander, 
R.A., 255 ; his death, 328. 

Secret Consultations. See India 
Office MSS. 

Segauli, treaty of, 62, 101. 

Selections from the Records of 
the Government of Bengal, 
Vol. XXVJL. 104, 108, "in, 
117-8, 300. 

Shaw, 305. 

Sheridan, Richard Brinsley, 7, 


Shore, Hon. Frederick, 19. 

Smith, Lieutenant F., 217. 

Smith, Dr. George, 27. 

Smyth, William, 7 ; his influence 
on Hodgson's early life, 15. 

Societe Asiatique de Paris, Hodg- 
son's gifts to, 261, 266-7, 281, 
337> 339-43, 349-50, 353; 
its founder and first secretary, 
279; bestows a gold medal on j 
Hodgson, 268, 277, 333. | 

Society for Promoting Christian \ 
Knowledge, 319. 

Stangyur, two hundred and 
twenty-four volumes containing 
commentaries on the Kahgyur 
andtreatises on Tibetan religious 
rites, ceremonies, arts, philo- 
sophy, and sciences, 269, 270; 
two sets presented by Hodgson 
to the India House and the 
College of Fort William, 270, 338. 

Stewart, Captain, 319. 

Strachey, Sir John, 34-5. 

Stuart, Robert, 55. 

Summers, Professor y., his 

Phoenix, a monthly magazine 
for Eastern Asia, 104, 272. 

Surya, a Hindu god, 121. 

Sutlej, the, its source, 287. 

Sykes, his ornithological work in 
the East quoted, 305. 


Tarai, the, 34, 100-1, 105 ; its 
revenue, 106; its boundaries, 
128; its unhealthiness, 199; Lady 
Canning dies of fever caught in 
passing through, 253 ; Hodgson 
prevented from crossing, 212; 
Sir J. Hooker's description of it, 
253-4 ; the proposal to restore 
the Western Tarai to Nepal, 
257 ; language of its people, 292. 

Tawney, Professor, 330. 

Jleignmouth) Lord, 19. 

Temminck, 305. 

Thackeray, W. M., 25. 

Thappas, the faction headed by 
Bhim Sen, 145, 172. 

Thompson, his Flora Indica, 287. 

Thornton, Edward, his History 
of the British Empire in India 
quoted, 206, 224, 233. 

Thugs, 150, 183, 199. 

Tibet, its commerce via Nepal, 
113; its language and litera- 
ture, 262-3 ; its manuscripts, 
263-4 ; the early use of paper in, 
265 ; Hodgson's collections of 
Tibetan classics, 269-71, 338 ; 
the Buddhism of, 273-6, 283 ; 
the dog of, 302. 

Tickell, /. R., his Excerpts from 
the Letters of the Resident at 
Kathmandu to Government, 
128-9, '39. Hi, H3. 149. *54> i59 
160, 162-4, 169, 174-5, 178-9, 
182 ; his ornithological work in 
the East, 305. 

Townshend, Rev. Chambre, of 
Deny, 328. 

Townshend, Susan, 328. 

Traill, George William, 36-56, 
57, ii 6, 215; his Report* on 
Kumaun, 33-55- 

'Jrevelyan, Sir Charles, 310. 

Treuelyan, Sir George Otto, M.P., 

3">> 3^3- 



i) the Maharani, 95-8, 102 ; 
her death, 127; its effect on 
Nepalese affairs, 129-31, etc. 

Trotter, Captain L. J., 200. 

Tumour, 279. 


Vansittart, Captain Eden, his 
Notes on the Gurkhas, no. 

Varuna, a Hindu god, 121. 

Vasarnapi Ujsag, 309. 

Vernacular Education in India, 
Hodgson's efforts towards ex- 
tending, 251-3, 310-24; schools 
and colleges for, 316-9, 321-2, 
324; Macaulay's view, 313; 
Hodgson's opposition to .that 
view, 313-5, 3*8; Mr. John 
Adam's view, 318-9. 

Waddell, L. Austine, M.S., 


Walden, 305. 
Walter, Henry, 15, 46. 

Weber, Albrecht, 268, 277-8, 

Wellesley, Marquess, 13, 60 ; his 

" Politicals," 93 ; his system of 

Protectorates, 99. 
Wigram, Percy, n. 
Willoughby, Sir John Pollard, 

Wilson, C. R., 262. 
Wilson, Dr. John, 320. 
Wilson, Horace Hayman, 61. 
Wood, Sir Charles, 357. 
Wootten Lodge, Staffordshire, 4. 
Wright, Daniel, M.A., M.D., 
95-6, 98, 100, 127, 163, 196, 326. 


Ya/c, the Himalayan cow, 45, 302. 
Yarn a y a Hindu god, 121. 
Yule, Sir Henry, 330. 

Zoology, Hodgson's papers on 
collections, and donations, 240-1 , 
244, 302-9, 363, 368-78. 

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11 Mr. Hunter, in a word, has applied the philosophic method of writing history to a 
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"A great subject worthily handled. He writes with great knowledge, great 
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BOMBAY, 1885 TO 189O. 


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